Guest editorial: Courts as an arena for societal change: An appraisal in the age of “environmental democracy”; In this issue

IF 1.4 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW
Asmaa Khadim, Margaretha Wewerinke-Singh, Jannemieke Ouwerkerk, Miranda Boone
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It particularly challenges traditional notions of the judiciary's role, begging important questions: What motivates citizens to bring socially charged issues before the courts, and how do institutional frameworks influence the adjudication of such issues? What roles do governments, parliaments, courts and civil society play in these processes? What leads courts to render substantive decisions on these issues, or why do they refrain from doing so? What complexities arise when judges make decisions in such politically charged contexts? How can concerns about judicial independence and impartiality be balanced with evolving public expectations around the role of the courts? And what consequences does this shifting role have for the judiciary's self-image and its perceived legitimacy?</p><p>Environmental and climate change law presents a particularly fertile terrain to explore these questions. The concept of “environmental democracy”, as discussed by <i>Angelika Krężel</i> in this issue in relation to strategic climate litigation in the European Union,\n1 brings to the fore interesting questions pertaining to the justification for the role of courts and their legitimacy in addressing pressing societal issues. A countermajoritarian logic has traditionally supported the role of courts from a balance of power perspective, where court action is deemed necessary to amplify the voices of minorities or the vulnerable. This perspective also views judicial intervention as a way to enforce the rule of law by preventing asymmetries of power in society - be they economic or political - from having a detrimental impact on the way legal rules are interpreted and applied, as <i>Giorgio Cataldo</i>'s essay examining key Italian constitutional court decisions in light of the European Court of Justice's case law illustrates. Courts in that sense constitute a democratic forum where the voice of the (silenced) majority is heard.\n2 But courts can also have a direct impact on the definition of democracy itself as a space for contestation. This is exemplified by <i>Paolo Mazzotti</i>'s call for a liberal interpretation of the climate defence of necessity in criminal courts, amidst a growing transnational movement of climate activists embracing civil disobedience.\n3</p><p>Through the open texture of law, courts have played a key role in its interpretation and adaptation to evolving societal needs. <i>Henri de Waele</i> has painted a picture of the European Court of Justice's achievements thus far, comparing the experiences in the green domain with experiences in other fields. However, are there or should there be limits to courts' creative power? This is a question tackled head-on by <i>Douwe de Lange</i> through a comparative analysis of the Dutch and US judicial competence doctrines,\n4 and by <i>Asmaa Khadim</i>,\n5 who maps out the factors enabling courts to function as an arena for societal change, taking Argentina, where citizens' mobilisation through courts has been especially high, as a case study.</p><p>One of the key factors contributing to courts as an arena for societal change is access to justice, both procedurally and substantively. This raises very interesting questions regarding our Western, atomistic, conception of the individual, which translates into difficulties in addressing in courts collective interests or the public good that constitutes the environment. If procedural limitations to access to justice are a hurdle for strategic climate litigation in the multi-level European Union as advocated by <i>Angelika Krężel</i>,\n6 various parameters, institutional, procedural and substantive, have to be considered in the framework of a rights-based approach to litigants' choice of forum, as illustrated by <i>Armelle Gouritin</i> in comparatively assessing different fora in the Americas.\n7 In reality, litigants may diverge in how they conceive of and strive towards societal change. Hence, courts become very different arenas in which to pursue societal change, in which actors elect cautious or daring strategies, depending on the characteristics of the legal systems and traditions in which they are embedded, their vision and their objectives. <i>Carlotta Garofalo</i>, in her contribution, thus emphasises the crucial role played by the dialectic between structure and agency in molding legal strategies in European climate litigation.\n8 But the democratisation of environmental governance through courts is intimately linked to science democratisation and often depends on judicial approaches to science, which in turn may impact the procedural legitimacy of climate rulings. This is one of the key insights <i>Juliana de Augustinis</i> draws from a comparison between Dutch and German courts' decisions in the field.\n9</p><p>Beyond these formal obstacles, an individual-rights-based approach also shows its limits when addressing global phenomena which cause harms not only to individuals but also to society. Is there access to justice for society as a whole, and how do we define it? It is from this angle that alternative concepts actionable before courts have been developed, such as “intergenerational equity”. Its promises are explored by <i>Josiah Quising</i> in his article through a study of the spread of this legal concept across various jurisdictions.\n10 But ultimately, one could wonder whether the anthropomorphism which characterises the Western paradigm of legal personality is not obfuscating our perception of one of the main victims of our decisions: nature. Flipping the perspective, we conclude this issue with a contribution by <i>Tolulope Ogboru</i>, who explores the conditions of possibility for granting rights to nature.\n11</p><p>Comparative methodology and multi-disciplinarity characterise this special issue. In line with Mauro Cappelletti's conception of a law in context approach,\n12 we believe that only through collective reflection and by moving beyond our Eurocentric perspectives can we uncover suitable legal answers to socioenvironmental challenges, thereby shedding new light on the role of courts as an arena for societal change. In the spirit of the principle of intergenerational equity, we have prioritised amplifying the voices of emerging scholars. This endeavour was facilitated by a conference titled ‘Courts as an Arena for Societal Change’ held at Leiden University in 2022. This conference, organised by the Research Group on Institutions for Conflict Resolution, a joint collaboration between Radboud University Nijmegen, Utrecht University and Leiden University and funded by the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science under the Dutch Sector Plan for Law, presented a unique opportunity to bring together researchers and practitioners from around the world to discuss the evolving role of courts in addressing difficult and contentious social and political issues, the environment and climate change being one of the areas of critical public importance addressed on this occasion. We hope that this special issue not only engages and challenges our readers, but also inspires conversations and action towards enduring environmental stewardship and a more sustainable future. We heartily thank the participants in the conference, the contributors for their in-depth and diligent work, the Editorial Board of the <i>European Law Journal</i> for their support, and our readers for joining us in this vital conversation.</p><p><b>EDITORIAL</b></p><p><b>Guest editorial: Courts as an arena for societal change: An appraisal in the age of “environmental democracy”</b></p><p><i>By Asmaa Khadim, Margaretha Wewerinke-Singh, Jannemieke Ouwerkerk and Miranda Boone</i>, Leiden University and University of Amsterdam</p><p><b>ARTICLES</b></p><p><b>Access to justice and strategic climate litigation in the EU: Curing the incurable?</b></p><p><i>By Angelika Krężel</i>, PhD Candidate, University of Wrocław</p><p>Access to justice in environmental matters is a key component of EU environmental policy and one of the main pillars of environmental democracy, based on the concept that land and natural resource decisions adequately and equitably address citizens' interests. Access to justice in the EU is to be assured via both the CJEU and national courts through direct and indirect action procedures. In line with this, the main argument developed throughout this analysis is that the CJEU differentiates the revision standard when interpreting the obligations of EU institutions and those of Member States. It is concluded that this kind of interpretation maintains the limitations to access to justice for individuals in the EU (the ‘incurable’), even when faced with the attempt to overcome this restrictive interpretation in the specific case of strategic climate litigation (‘curing the incurable’). The specific case of strategic climate litigation is used as an example to illustrate the negative consequences of limitations to access to justice for individuals in the EU. In conclusion, it is assessed whether there are any other ‘real cures’ for this deadlocked situation and what the rationale is behind these double standards.</p><p><b>Does the European Court of Justice induce societal change? The record so far—with a green future in mind</b></p><p><i>By Henri de Waele</i>, Professor of International and European Law, Radboud University Nijmegen</p><p>Over the seven decades of its existence, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has performed well in its main function as a conflict-solving institution. From the existing literature, it becomes less clear, however, to what extent it has served as an effective agent for societal change, i.e., effectuated more generic developments, stirring up a broader momentum in the modification of ideas, habits or preferences of different groups and communities. Obtaining clarity on this issue seems imperative in the current day and age, considering the gargantuan challenges of accelerating climate change and environmental degradation facing the European Union: for, if the ECJ generally manages to ‘deliver’, at least some further progress could realistically be expected on this front also. The present article conducts an examination reviewing the experiences in the green domain from a comparative perspective, seeking to discern possible patterns and draw common inferences. Thus, it aims to paint a picture of the Court's achievements as a societal actor, exposing how and when judges prove successful not just in impacting the law in the books but also in recalibrating the conduct or opinions of real people in actual practice. Those insights may well inform future progress in different fields—the ecological as much as anywhere.</p><p><b>Courts as an arena for socioenvironmental change: Lessons from the Argentine courts</b></p><p><i>By Asmaa Khadim</i>, Postdoctoral Researcher in Institutions for Conflict Resolution, Leiden University</p><p>Trends in the Argentine courts indicate a judicial preference towards flexibility in light of possibly serious environmental consequences, particularly in relation to mining. Through a liberal interpretation of constitutional provisions where collective environmental rights are threatened, the courts have expanded access to justice, leading some to view the Argentine judiciary as ‘interventionist’ or ‘political’. However, judicial decisions emphasise compliance with constitutional mandates without necessarily encroaching upon policy-making realms. The constitutionalisation of environmental rights has had a strong influence on the judiciary's approach, but in combination with other factors, particularly civic mobilisation, institutional changes and evolving public ethos on environmental protection. Proactive judicial engagement with the full extent of its powers to ensure that policy-makers meet their constitutionally mandated obligations can compel policy-makers to address sustainability issues and rethink strategies. This positioning of the judiciary as a catalyst for more effective environmental governance offers useful insights for European courts.</p><p><b>With great judicial power comes great constitutional responsibility: What climate litigation tells us about the judicial competence doctrines in the United States and the Netherlands</b></p><p><i>By Douwe de Lange</i>, Legal Research Master student, Utrecht University</p><p>In recent years, the United States and the Netherlands have been on opposing sides of the spectrum regarding climate litigation. Put differently, in the context of climate change, the Dutch courts have been a significant arena of societal change, while the US courts have not. In a way, this difference seems strange, because the US judiciary has the power of constitutional review, while the Dutch judiciary does not. This article, using recent climate litigation, extensively compares both doctrines of judicial competence regarding political questions. As a comparative framework, this article uses three judicial phases, namely the institutional phase, the substantial phase and the remedial phase. This comparative analysis shows that the Dutch doctrine of judicial competence is focused on the substantial and remedial phases, which has allowed it more freedom in reviewing climate litigation. Overall, this leads to a relatively holistic approach to judicial competence, but it could benefit from a clearer framework. The US doctrine of judicial competence, on the other hand, is focused on a strict institutional phase, mainly because its great judicial power of constitutional review has led to the great constitutional responsibility of the Political Question Doctrine (PQD). This leads to the conclusion that the US doctrine of judicial competence is generally less holistic than its Dutch counterpart.</p><p><b>Courts as an arena for societal change? The Italian Constitutional Court's self-restraint facing the legislator's uncertain discretion in seabed mining: A concrete counter-example</b></p><p><i>By Giorgio Cataldo</i>, postdoctoral research fellow in Constitutional Law, University of Salento</p><p>This essay explores the difficult balance between social and productive interests in the Italian field of seabed mining. In past years, it was above all the regions, bearers of local communities' social demands, that claimed greater attention to sustainability, while State law almost always privileged productivity. The Constitutional Court always took a self-restraint attitude, typical in the macro-area of reference, which is that of Economic Relations, and basically adhered to State reasons. Given this starting point, it is not entirely certain that the European Court of Justice's 2022 ruling, which included the environmental interest alongside economic concerns regarding the topic, will bring concrete developments. The same doubts of potential impact arise from the constitutional reform that, also in 2022, officially inserted environmental protection into the Constitution. Indeed, there is a complex framework of interests involved in the sector, from which political power suffers above all. Before a balancing of interests, therefore, what is felt is the need for a more appropriate balance between powers, political and jurisdictional. This, because the reception of social demands in such an intricate field makes the effort of only the latter insufficient. The Italian case thus illustrates some of the constraints that can weigh on courts, especially constitutional, in their ability to constitute an arena for societal change.</p><p><b>‘Foot in the door’ or ‘door in the face’? The development of legal strategies in European climate litigation between structure and agency</b></p><p><i>By Carlotta Garofalo</i>, Doctoral Candidate, Department of Public Law and Political Sciences, University of Graz</p><p>Following the landmark <i>Urgenda</i> case, European social movements and legal networks have increasingly turned to courts to compel governments to enact more ambitious mitigation policies. The rapid proliferation of <i>Urgenda</i>-like cases in the most diverse European jurisdictions, despite high legal barriers, makes a compelling case for investigating the motivations and goals animating European climate litigants, especially when venturing into risky litigation endeavours. While timely legal analyses of high-profile climate lawsuits abound in the literature, an emerging body of research has focused on the genesis of climate cases, their strategies and societal impacts. To contribute to this latter thread, the article investigates how legal barriers and considerations, on the one hand, and social movements' motivations and goals, on the other, have shaped a diverse range of legal strategies in high-profile climate lawsuits inspired by <i>Urgenda</i> in Europe. The article argues that, even when filing similar climate lawsuits, litigants may diverge in how they conceive of and strive towards social change. Hence, courts might become very different arenas for pursuing social change, in which actors elect cautious or daring strategies, depending on the legal system and tradition to which they refer, their vision and their objectives.</p><p><b>A rights-based approach to the choice of forum in climate displacement litigation: Lessons from the Americas</b></p><p><i>By Armelle Gouritin</i>, researcher, Mexico National Research Council; Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences</p><p>Few studies address climate litigation and climate forced mobility together, and the link between climate litigation and internal forced climate displacement remains poorly addressed. This article aims to participate in filling this void. We focus on climate displacement litigation argued before regional human rights courts (the Inter-American Court) and national human rights protection bodies (the Mexican Commission) to determine the adequacy of each from the perspective of potential litigants. We address institutional, procedural and positive law within the context of water scarcity. We find that while institutional and procedural aspects reveal the potential of the Inter-American Court in ruling on climate displacement cases, the application of the positive obligations doctrine by the Mexican National Human Rights Commission is more disaggregated and <i>a priori</i> suitable to ground the course of action of potential litigants.</p><p><b>Judicial approaches to science and the procedural legitimacy of climate rulings: Comparative insights from the Netherlands and Germany</b></p><p><i>By Juliana de Augustinis</i>, PhD at the Department of Public Law and Governance of Tilburg Law School, Tilburg University, the Netherlands</p><p>This article investigates the still understudied relationship between judicial approaches to science and the procedural legitimacy of rulings in cases where the plaintiffs seek a change in governments' overall climate policy. To that end, the author conducts a literature review on difficulties surrounding courts' interaction with climate science and compares judicial engagement with scientific information in two high-profile cases decided by the highest courts in adjacent countries, namely <i>Urgenda v. The State of the Netherlands</i> and <i>Neubauer et al. v. Germany</i>. The selected lawsuits yield comparative interest in aiming for changes in national climate policies and emission mitigation targets, involving the same kind of evidence (Assessment Reports by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change) but resulting in partially opposing decisions. The analysis shows that climate science provided courts with relevant information about the risks of climate change and the measures required to prevent them. It also suggests that diverging approaches to scientific reports contributed to contrasting decisions regarding the review of mitigation targets. Finally, it offers insights into how engagement with the evidence might affect judgments' legitimacy from a procedural perspective.</p><p><b>The necessity defence in (the Swiss) climate protest cases: Democratic contestation in the age of climate activism</b></p><p><i>By Paolo Mazzotti</i>, Research Fellow and PhD candidate, Max Planck Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law</p><p>As the consequences of the climate crisis start to unfold ever more tangibly worldwide, climate activism is on the rise. Against this background, the transnational movement of climate activists recently started to resort increasingly often to acts of civil disobedience, because of the inertia of the political process supposed to tackle it. While prima facie unlawful, those acts thus ought not to be punished. The present article conceptualises the climate necessity defence as an instance of climate litigation, by trying to draw insights into the interpretation of the climate necessity defence from international environmental law and climate science as well as the transnational case law of the various jurisdictions in which the issue was addressed. The overarching contention is that a liberal interpretation is more in line with the current legal thinking on environmental matters than the understanding(s) adopted by the judges who sentenced the defendants. The article thus advocates for an understanding of the climate necessity defence which, tending towards accepting its applicability, broadens (rather than restricts) the space for democratic contestation on climate policy, contributing to a vibrant deliberative process.</p><p><b>Beyond Oposa: Courts reinforcing intergenerational equity as customary international law</b></p><p><i>By Josiah David F. Quising</i>, Professor of Law, Far Eastern University, Philippines</p><p>In recent years, children across the globe such as Greta Thunberg and Kelsey Juliana are seen at the front line of efforts to hold governments accountable for environmental damage. In the Philippines, the case of <i>Oposa v. Factoran</i> gave legal standing to minors and unborn generations invoking their constitutional right to a balanced and healthful ecology. The Philippine Supreme Court based its decision on intergenerational equity—a principle stating that every generation has an obligation to protect the environment for the next. Representation of future generations in courts is not a new concept, nor is it unique to the Philippines. By examining national laws, treaties and conventions and court decisions by both domestic and international courts, this article aims to show how intergenerational equity has been widely recognised by almost all countries globally as evidence of state practice and <i>opinio juris</i>. This article argues that the principle of intergenerational equity is ripe for consideration as a customary international law and discusses how domestic and international courts and tribunals have been instrumental as a medium in establishing such and recommends that children and unborn generations be given legal standing as a necessary consequence.</p><p><b>Recognising the rights of nature: How have courts fared?</b></p><p><i>By Tolulope N. Ogboru</i>, Professor of Environmental Law, Faculty of Law, University of Jos, Nigeria</p><p>The Rights of Nature is an evolving theory in environmental law. It advocates that natural objects be respected and allowed to exist, thrive and flourish for themselves and not for utilitarian purposes. However, attempts to apply the rights often result in litigation. The outcomes of these cases have grave implications for the impact of the Rights of Nature concept on the development of jurisprudence and environmental protection, which will further determine its acceptance or rejection by the international community. An examination of some key cases reveals some positive developments that can enhance the implementation of the concept, but it also demonstrates that there are some challenges in the approach adopted by the courts. The article concludes that the Rights of Nature can be a jurisprudential tool to enhance environmental protection only where, in addition to well-written constitutional and legislative provisions, court decisions in these cases are of practical consequence.</p>","PeriodicalId":47166,"journal":{"name":"European Law Journal","volume":"29 3-6","pages":"258-264"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4000,"publicationDate":"2024-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/eulj.12495","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"European Law Journal","FirstCategoryId":"90","ListUrlMain":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/eulj.12495","RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"LAW","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

The impacts of environmental challenges, including climate change, are increasingly felt by individuals across the globe. Amidst the critical and, some argue, urgent nature of these challenges, and the perceived sluggishness of the executive and legislative branches of government in addressing them, citizens and civil society movements are increasingly seeking redress through judicial avenues. This trend shines a new light on fundamental questions about the role of law in society and the interplay between the political and the legal. It particularly challenges traditional notions of the judiciary's role, begging important questions: What motivates citizens to bring socially charged issues before the courts, and how do institutional frameworks influence the adjudication of such issues? What roles do governments, parliaments, courts and civil society play in these processes? What leads courts to render substantive decisions on these issues, or why do they refrain from doing so? What complexities arise when judges make decisions in such politically charged contexts? How can concerns about judicial independence and impartiality be balanced with evolving public expectations around the role of the courts? And what consequences does this shifting role have for the judiciary's self-image and its perceived legitimacy?

Environmental and climate change law presents a particularly fertile terrain to explore these questions. The concept of “environmental democracy”, as discussed by Angelika Krężel in this issue in relation to strategic climate litigation in the European Union, 1 brings to the fore interesting questions pertaining to the justification for the role of courts and their legitimacy in addressing pressing societal issues. A countermajoritarian logic has traditionally supported the role of courts from a balance of power perspective, where court action is deemed necessary to amplify the voices of minorities or the vulnerable. This perspective also views judicial intervention as a way to enforce the rule of law by preventing asymmetries of power in society - be they economic or political - from having a detrimental impact on the way legal rules are interpreted and applied, as Giorgio Cataldo's essay examining key Italian constitutional court decisions in light of the European Court of Justice's case law illustrates. Courts in that sense constitute a democratic forum where the voice of the (silenced) majority is heard. 2 But courts can also have a direct impact on the definition of democracy itself as a space for contestation. This is exemplified by Paolo Mazzotti's call for a liberal interpretation of the climate defence of necessity in criminal courts, amidst a growing transnational movement of climate activists embracing civil disobedience. 3

Through the open texture of law, courts have played a key role in its interpretation and adaptation to evolving societal needs. Henri de Waele has painted a picture of the European Court of Justice's achievements thus far, comparing the experiences in the green domain with experiences in other fields. However, are there or should there be limits to courts' creative power? This is a question tackled head-on by Douwe de Lange through a comparative analysis of the Dutch and US judicial competence doctrines, 4 and by Asmaa Khadim, 5 who maps out the factors enabling courts to function as an arena for societal change, taking Argentina, where citizens' mobilisation through courts has been especially high, as a case study.

One of the key factors contributing to courts as an arena for societal change is access to justice, both procedurally and substantively. This raises very interesting questions regarding our Western, atomistic, conception of the individual, which translates into difficulties in addressing in courts collective interests or the public good that constitutes the environment. If procedural limitations to access to justice are a hurdle for strategic climate litigation in the multi-level European Union as advocated by Angelika Krężel, 6 various parameters, institutional, procedural and substantive, have to be considered in the framework of a rights-based approach to litigants' choice of forum, as illustrated by Armelle Gouritin in comparatively assessing different fora in the Americas. 7 In reality, litigants may diverge in how they conceive of and strive towards societal change. Hence, courts become very different arenas in which to pursue societal change, in which actors elect cautious or daring strategies, depending on the characteristics of the legal systems and traditions in which they are embedded, their vision and their objectives. Carlotta Garofalo, in her contribution, thus emphasises the crucial role played by the dialectic between structure and agency in molding legal strategies in European climate litigation. 8 But the democratisation of environmental governance through courts is intimately linked to science democratisation and often depends on judicial approaches to science, which in turn may impact the procedural legitimacy of climate rulings. This is one of the key insights Juliana de Augustinis draws from a comparison between Dutch and German courts' decisions in the field. 9

Beyond these formal obstacles, an individual-rights-based approach also shows its limits when addressing global phenomena which cause harms not only to individuals but also to society. Is there access to justice for society as a whole, and how do we define it? It is from this angle that alternative concepts actionable before courts have been developed, such as “intergenerational equity”. Its promises are explored by Josiah Quising in his article through a study of the spread of this legal concept across various jurisdictions. 10 But ultimately, one could wonder whether the anthropomorphism which characterises the Western paradigm of legal personality is not obfuscating our perception of one of the main victims of our decisions: nature. Flipping the perspective, we conclude this issue with a contribution by Tolulope Ogboru, who explores the conditions of possibility for granting rights to nature. 11

Comparative methodology and multi-disciplinarity characterise this special issue. In line with Mauro Cappelletti's conception of a law in context approach, 12 we believe that only through collective reflection and by moving beyond our Eurocentric perspectives can we uncover suitable legal answers to socioenvironmental challenges, thereby shedding new light on the role of courts as an arena for societal change. In the spirit of the principle of intergenerational equity, we have prioritised amplifying the voices of emerging scholars. This endeavour was facilitated by a conference titled ‘Courts as an Arena for Societal Change’ held at Leiden University in 2022. This conference, organised by the Research Group on Institutions for Conflict Resolution, a joint collaboration between Radboud University Nijmegen, Utrecht University and Leiden University and funded by the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science under the Dutch Sector Plan for Law, presented a unique opportunity to bring together researchers and practitioners from around the world to discuss the evolving role of courts in addressing difficult and contentious social and political issues, the environment and climate change being one of the areas of critical public importance addressed on this occasion. We hope that this special issue not only engages and challenges our readers, but also inspires conversations and action towards enduring environmental stewardship and a more sustainable future. We heartily thank the participants in the conference, the contributors for their in-depth and diligent work, the Editorial Board of the European Law Journal for their support, and our readers for joining us in this vital conversation.

EDITORIAL

Guest editorial: Courts as an arena for societal change: An appraisal in the age of “environmental democracy”

By Asmaa Khadim, Margaretha Wewerinke-Singh, Jannemieke Ouwerkerk and Miranda Boone, Leiden University and University of Amsterdam

ARTICLES

Access to justice and strategic climate litigation in the EU: Curing the incurable?

By Angelika Krężel, PhD Candidate, University of Wrocław

Access to justice in environmental matters is a key component of EU environmental policy and one of the main pillars of environmental democracy, based on the concept that land and natural resource decisions adequately and equitably address citizens' interests. Access to justice in the EU is to be assured via both the CJEU and national courts through direct and indirect action procedures. In line with this, the main argument developed throughout this analysis is that the CJEU differentiates the revision standard when interpreting the obligations of EU institutions and those of Member States. It is concluded that this kind of interpretation maintains the limitations to access to justice for individuals in the EU (the ‘incurable’), even when faced with the attempt to overcome this restrictive interpretation in the specific case of strategic climate litigation (‘curing the incurable’). The specific case of strategic climate litigation is used as an example to illustrate the negative consequences of limitations to access to justice for individuals in the EU. In conclusion, it is assessed whether there are any other ‘real cures’ for this deadlocked situation and what the rationale is behind these double standards.

Does the European Court of Justice induce societal change? The record so far—with a green future in mind

By Henri de Waele, Professor of International and European Law, Radboud University Nijmegen

Over the seven decades of its existence, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has performed well in its main function as a conflict-solving institution. From the existing literature, it becomes less clear, however, to what extent it has served as an effective agent for societal change, i.e., effectuated more generic developments, stirring up a broader momentum in the modification of ideas, habits or preferences of different groups and communities. Obtaining clarity on this issue seems imperative in the current day and age, considering the gargantuan challenges of accelerating climate change and environmental degradation facing the European Union: for, if the ECJ generally manages to ‘deliver’, at least some further progress could realistically be expected on this front also. The present article conducts an examination reviewing the experiences in the green domain from a comparative perspective, seeking to discern possible patterns and draw common inferences. Thus, it aims to paint a picture of the Court's achievements as a societal actor, exposing how and when judges prove successful not just in impacting the law in the books but also in recalibrating the conduct or opinions of real people in actual practice. Those insights may well inform future progress in different fields—the ecological as much as anywhere.

Courts as an arena for socioenvironmental change: Lessons from the Argentine courts

By Asmaa Khadim, Postdoctoral Researcher in Institutions for Conflict Resolution, Leiden University

Trends in the Argentine courts indicate a judicial preference towards flexibility in light of possibly serious environmental consequences, particularly in relation to mining. Through a liberal interpretation of constitutional provisions where collective environmental rights are threatened, the courts have expanded access to justice, leading some to view the Argentine judiciary as ‘interventionist’ or ‘political’. However, judicial decisions emphasise compliance with constitutional mandates without necessarily encroaching upon policy-making realms. The constitutionalisation of environmental rights has had a strong influence on the judiciary's approach, but in combination with other factors, particularly civic mobilisation, institutional changes and evolving public ethos on environmental protection. Proactive judicial engagement with the full extent of its powers to ensure that policy-makers meet their constitutionally mandated obligations can compel policy-makers to address sustainability issues and rethink strategies. This positioning of the judiciary as a catalyst for more effective environmental governance offers useful insights for European courts.

With great judicial power comes great constitutional responsibility: What climate litigation tells us about the judicial competence doctrines in the United States and the Netherlands

By Douwe de Lange, Legal Research Master student, Utrecht University

In recent years, the United States and the Netherlands have been on opposing sides of the spectrum regarding climate litigation. Put differently, in the context of climate change, the Dutch courts have been a significant arena of societal change, while the US courts have not. In a way, this difference seems strange, because the US judiciary has the power of constitutional review, while the Dutch judiciary does not. This article, using recent climate litigation, extensively compares both doctrines of judicial competence regarding political questions. As a comparative framework, this article uses three judicial phases, namely the institutional phase, the substantial phase and the remedial phase. This comparative analysis shows that the Dutch doctrine of judicial competence is focused on the substantial and remedial phases, which has allowed it more freedom in reviewing climate litigation. Overall, this leads to a relatively holistic approach to judicial competence, but it could benefit from a clearer framework. The US doctrine of judicial competence, on the other hand, is focused on a strict institutional phase, mainly because its great judicial power of constitutional review has led to the great constitutional responsibility of the Political Question Doctrine (PQD). This leads to the conclusion that the US doctrine of judicial competence is generally less holistic than its Dutch counterpart.

Courts as an arena for societal change? The Italian Constitutional Court's self-restraint facing the legislator's uncertain discretion in seabed mining: A concrete counter-example

By Giorgio Cataldo, postdoctoral research fellow in Constitutional Law, University of Salento

This essay explores the difficult balance between social and productive interests in the Italian field of seabed mining. In past years, it was above all the regions, bearers of local communities' social demands, that claimed greater attention to sustainability, while State law almost always privileged productivity. The Constitutional Court always took a self-restraint attitude, typical in the macro-area of reference, which is that of Economic Relations, and basically adhered to State reasons. Given this starting point, it is not entirely certain that the European Court of Justice's 2022 ruling, which included the environmental interest alongside economic concerns regarding the topic, will bring concrete developments. The same doubts of potential impact arise from the constitutional reform that, also in 2022, officially inserted environmental protection into the Constitution. Indeed, there is a complex framework of interests involved in the sector, from which political power suffers above all. Before a balancing of interests, therefore, what is felt is the need for a more appropriate balance between powers, political and jurisdictional. This, because the reception of social demands in such an intricate field makes the effort of only the latter insufficient. The Italian case thus illustrates some of the constraints that can weigh on courts, especially constitutional, in their ability to constitute an arena for societal change.

‘Foot in the door’ or ‘door in the face’? The development of legal strategies in European climate litigation between structure and agency

By Carlotta Garofalo, Doctoral Candidate, Department of Public Law and Political Sciences, University of Graz

Following the landmark Urgenda case, European social movements and legal networks have increasingly turned to courts to compel governments to enact more ambitious mitigation policies. The rapid proliferation of Urgenda-like cases in the most diverse European jurisdictions, despite high legal barriers, makes a compelling case for investigating the motivations and goals animating European climate litigants, especially when venturing into risky litigation endeavours. While timely legal analyses of high-profile climate lawsuits abound in the literature, an emerging body of research has focused on the genesis of climate cases, their strategies and societal impacts. To contribute to this latter thread, the article investigates how legal barriers and considerations, on the one hand, and social movements' motivations and goals, on the other, have shaped a diverse range of legal strategies in high-profile climate lawsuits inspired by Urgenda in Europe. The article argues that, even when filing similar climate lawsuits, litigants may diverge in how they conceive of and strive towards social change. Hence, courts might become very different arenas for pursuing social change, in which actors elect cautious or daring strategies, depending on the legal system and tradition to which they refer, their vision and their objectives.

A rights-based approach to the choice of forum in climate displacement litigation: Lessons from the Americas

By Armelle Gouritin, researcher, Mexico National Research Council; Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences

Few studies address climate litigation and climate forced mobility together, and the link between climate litigation and internal forced climate displacement remains poorly addressed. This article aims to participate in filling this void. We focus on climate displacement litigation argued before regional human rights courts (the Inter-American Court) and national human rights protection bodies (the Mexican Commission) to determine the adequacy of each from the perspective of potential litigants. We address institutional, procedural and positive law within the context of water scarcity. We find that while institutional and procedural aspects reveal the potential of the Inter-American Court in ruling on climate displacement cases, the application of the positive obligations doctrine by the Mexican National Human Rights Commission is more disaggregated and a priori suitable to ground the course of action of potential litigants.

Judicial approaches to science and the procedural legitimacy of climate rulings: Comparative insights from the Netherlands and Germany

By Juliana de Augustinis, PhD at the Department of Public Law and Governance of Tilburg Law School, Tilburg University, the Netherlands

This article investigates the still understudied relationship between judicial approaches to science and the procedural legitimacy of rulings in cases where the plaintiffs seek a change in governments' overall climate policy. To that end, the author conducts a literature review on difficulties surrounding courts' interaction with climate science and compares judicial engagement with scientific information in two high-profile cases decided by the highest courts in adjacent countries, namely Urgenda v. The State of the Netherlands and Neubauer et al. v. Germany. The selected lawsuits yield comparative interest in aiming for changes in national climate policies and emission mitigation targets, involving the same kind of evidence (Assessment Reports by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change) but resulting in partially opposing decisions. The analysis shows that climate science provided courts with relevant information about the risks of climate change and the measures required to prevent them. It also suggests that diverging approaches to scientific reports contributed to contrasting decisions regarding the review of mitigation targets. Finally, it offers insights into how engagement with the evidence might affect judgments' legitimacy from a procedural perspective.

The necessity defence in (the Swiss) climate protest cases: Democratic contestation in the age of climate activism

By Paolo Mazzotti, Research Fellow and PhD candidate, Max Planck Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law

As the consequences of the climate crisis start to unfold ever more tangibly worldwide, climate activism is on the rise. Against this background, the transnational movement of climate activists recently started to resort increasingly often to acts of civil disobedience, because of the inertia of the political process supposed to tackle it. While prima facie unlawful, those acts thus ought not to be punished. The present article conceptualises the climate necessity defence as an instance of climate litigation, by trying to draw insights into the interpretation of the climate necessity defence from international environmental law and climate science as well as the transnational case law of the various jurisdictions in which the issue was addressed. The overarching contention is that a liberal interpretation is more in line with the current legal thinking on environmental matters than the understanding(s) adopted by the judges who sentenced the defendants. The article thus advocates for an understanding of the climate necessity defence which, tending towards accepting its applicability, broadens (rather than restricts) the space for democratic contestation on climate policy, contributing to a vibrant deliberative process.

Beyond Oposa: Courts reinforcing intergenerational equity as customary international law

By Josiah David F. Quising, Professor of Law, Far Eastern University, Philippines

In recent years, children across the globe such as Greta Thunberg and Kelsey Juliana are seen at the front line of efforts to hold governments accountable for environmental damage. In the Philippines, the case of Oposa v. Factoran gave legal standing to minors and unborn generations invoking their constitutional right to a balanced and healthful ecology. The Philippine Supreme Court based its decision on intergenerational equity—a principle stating that every generation has an obligation to protect the environment for the next. Representation of future generations in courts is not a new concept, nor is it unique to the Philippines. By examining national laws, treaties and conventions and court decisions by both domestic and international courts, this article aims to show how intergenerational equity has been widely recognised by almost all countries globally as evidence of state practice and opinio juris. This article argues that the principle of intergenerational equity is ripe for consideration as a customary international law and discusses how domestic and international courts and tribunals have been instrumental as a medium in establishing such and recommends that children and unborn generations be given legal standing as a necessary consequence.

Recognising the rights of nature: How have courts fared?

By Tolulope N. Ogboru, Professor of Environmental Law, Faculty of Law, University of Jos, Nigeria

The Rights of Nature is an evolving theory in environmental law. It advocates that natural objects be respected and allowed to exist, thrive and flourish for themselves and not for utilitarian purposes. However, attempts to apply the rights often result in litigation. The outcomes of these cases have grave implications for the impact of the Rights of Nature concept on the development of jurisprudence and environmental protection, which will further determine its acceptance or rejection by the international community. An examination of some key cases reveals some positive developments that can enhance the implementation of the concept, but it also demonstrates that there are some challenges in the approach adopted by the courts. The article concludes that the Rights of Nature can be a jurisprudential tool to enhance environmental protection only where, in addition to well-written constitutional and legislative provisions, court decisions in these cases are of practical consequence.

特邀社论:法院作为社会变革的舞台:环境民主 "时代的评价;本期内容
包括气候变化在内的环境挑战的影响越来越多地受到全球个人的影响。在这些挑战的关键和一些人认为紧迫的性质中,以及政府行政和立法部门在应对这些挑战方面表现迟缓的情况下,公民和民间社会运动越来越多地通过司法途径寻求补救。这一趋势为法律在社会中的作用以及政治与法律之间的相互作用等基本问题提供了新的视角。它尤其挑战了关于司法角色的传统观念,提出了一些重要问题:是什么促使公民将社会问题提交法院,制度框架如何影响这类问题的裁决?政府、议会、法院和民间社会在这些进程中发挥什么作用?是什么导致法院对这些问题作出实质性裁决,或者为什么他们不这样做?当法官在这种充满政治色彩的背景下做出决定时,会出现什么样的复杂性?如何在对司法独立和公正的关注与公众对法院作用不断变化的期望之间取得平衡?这种角色的转变对司法机构的自我形象及其合法性有什么影响?环境和气候变化法律为探索这些问题提供了一个特别肥沃的土壤。Angelika Krężel在本问题中讨论了“环境民主”的概念,与欧盟的战略气候诉讼有关,1将法院角色的正当性及其在解决紧迫社会问题方面的合法性提出了有趣的问题。从权力平衡的角度来看,反多数主义的逻辑传统上支持法院的作用,法院的行动被认为是扩大少数群体或弱势群体声音的必要条件。这一观点也将司法干预视为一种加强法治的方式,通过防止社会权力不对称——无论是经济的还是政治的——对法律规则的解释和应用方式产生有害影响,正如乔治·卡塔多(Giorgio Cataldo)的文章根据欧洲法院的判例法考察了意大利宪法法院的关键判决。从这个意义上说,法院构成了一个民主论坛,在那里(被压制的)多数人的声音可以被听到但法院也可以直接影响民主本身作为争论空间的定义。保罗·马佐蒂(Paolo Mazzotti)呼吁对刑事法庭必要性的气候辩护进行自由解释,这是一个例证,因为气候活动家正在开展公民不服从的跨国运动。通过法律的开放结构,法院在解释和适应不断变化的社会需求方面发挥了关键作用。Henri de Waele描绘了欧洲法院迄今为止的成就,将绿色领域的经验与其他领域的经验进行了比较。然而,法院的创造力是否有或应该有限制?杜威•德•兰格(Douwe de Lange)通过对荷兰和美国司法能力理论的比较分析,正面解决了这个问题;阿斯玛•哈迪姆(Asmaa Khadim)以阿根廷为例,分析了使法院能够发挥社会变革舞台作用的因素。阿根廷公民通过法院动员的程度特别高。促使法院成为社会变革场所的关键因素之一是在程序上和实质上获得司法救助的机会。这就提出了一些非常有趣的问题,涉及到我们西方的、原子的、个人的概念,这转化为在法庭上处理构成环境的集体利益或公共利益的困难。如果诉诸司法的程序限制是Angelika Krężel所倡导的多层次欧盟战略气候诉讼的障碍,那么必须在基于权利的诉讼当事人选择论坛方法的框架内考虑各种参数,制度,程序和实质性,正如Armelle Gouritin在比较评估美洲不同论坛时所说明的那样。诉讼当事人对社会变革的设想和努力可能存在分歧。因此,法院成为追求社会变革的非常不同的场所,行动者根据其所处的法律制度和传统的特点、他们的愿景和目标,选择谨慎或大胆的战略。因此,卡洛塔·加罗法洛在她的贡献中强调了结构与代理之间的辩证关系在塑造欧洲气候诉讼的法律策略中所起的关键作用。 但是,通过法院实现环境治理的民主化与科学民主化密切相关,并且往往依赖于科学的司法途径,这反过来又可能影响气候裁决的程序合法性。这是Juliana de Augustinis从荷兰和德国法院在该领域的判决的比较中得出的关键见解之一。9 .除了这些正式障碍之外,在处理不仅对个人而且对社会造成伤害的全球现象时,以个人权利为基础的方法也显示出其局限性。整个社会是否有诉诸正义的途径,我们如何定义它?正是从这个角度,人们发展出了可在法院提起诉讼的其他概念,例如“代际公平”。Josiah Quising在他的文章中通过研究这一法律概念在不同司法管辖区的传播,探讨了它的承诺但最终,人们可能会怀疑,作为西方法律人格范式特征的拟人化,是否没有混淆我们对我们的决定的主要受害者之一的看法:自然。从另一个角度来看,我们用Tolulope Ogboru的一篇文章来结束这个问题,他探讨了授予自然权利的可能性条件。比较方法和多学科性是这一特殊问题的特点。根据Mauro Cappelletti的“语境法”概念,我们相信,只有通过集体反思,超越以欧洲为中心的视角,我们才能为社会环境挑战找到合适的法律答案,从而为法院作为社会变革舞台的作用提供新的视角。本着代际公平原则的精神,我们优先考虑扩大新兴学者的声音。2022年在莱顿大学举行的题为“法院作为社会变革的舞台”的会议促进了这一努力。本次会议由内梅亨大学、乌得勒支大学和莱顿大学联合组织的冲突解决机构研究小组组织,由教育、文化和科学部根据荷兰法律部门计划资助,提供了一个独特的机会,将来自世界各地的研究人员和从业者聚集在一起,讨论法院在解决困难和有争议的社会和政治问题方面的演变作用。环境和气候变化是本次会议讨论的对公众至关重要的领域之一。我们希望这期特刊不仅能吸引和挑战我们的读者,还能激发对持久的环境管理和更可持续的未来的对话和行动。我们衷心感谢会议的与会者,感谢撰稿人的深入和勤奋的工作,感谢《欧洲法律杂志》编辑委员会的支持,感谢我们的读者加入我们这一重要的对话。客座社论:法院作为社会变革的舞台:“环境民主”时代的评价作者:Asmaa Khadim, Margaretha Wewerinke-Singh, jannemike Ouwerkerk和Miranda Boone,莱顿大学和阿姆斯特丹大学文章欧盟的司法公正和战略气候诉讼:治愈不可治愈的?作者Angelika Krężel,博士候选人,WrocławAccess大学环境事务公正是欧盟环境政策的关键组成部分,也是环境民主的主要支柱之一,其理念是土地和自然资源决策充分、公平地处理公民的利益。欧洲法院和各国法院将通过直接和间接诉讼程序确保在欧盟获得司法救助。与此相一致的是,在整个分析中形成的主要论点是,欧洲法院在解释欧盟机构的义务和成员国的义务时区分了修订标准。结论是,这种解释维持了欧盟个人诉诸司法的限制(“无法治愈”),即使在战略气候诉讼的具体案例中(“治愈无法治愈”)面临克服这种限制性解释的尝试时也是如此。本文以战略气候诉讼的具体案例为例,说明限制欧盟个人诉诸司法的负面后果。最后,评估是否有其他“真正的方法”来解决这一僵局,以及这些双重标准背后的理由是什么。欧洲法院是否引发了社会变革?欧洲法院(ECJ)成立70年来,作为一个解决冲突的机构,它在履行其主要职能方面表现良好。 然而,从现有文献来看,它在多大程度上作为社会变革的有效媒介变得不太清楚,也就是说,它实现了更普遍的发展,激起了改变不同群体和社区的观念、习惯或偏好的更广泛的势头。考虑到欧盟面临的加速气候变化和环境退化的巨大挑战,在当前这个时代,对这个问题的明确似乎是势在必行的:因为,如果欧洲法院总体上设法“交付”,至少在这方面也可以实际地期待一些进一步的进展。本文从比较的角度对绿色领域的经验进行了考察,试图找出可能的模式并得出共同的推论。因此,它的目的是描绘法院作为一个社会行动者的成就,揭示法官如何以及何时证明成功,不仅在书本上影响法律,而且在实际实践中重新调整真人的行为或意见。这些见解很可能为未来不同领域的发展提供信息——生态领域和其他任何领域都是如此。法院作为社会环境变化的舞台:来自阿根廷法院的教训作者:Asmaa Khadim,莱顿大学冲突解决机构博士后研究员阿根廷法院的趋势表明,考虑到可能严重的环境后果,特别是与采矿有关的后果,司法倾向于灵活性。通过对集体环境权利受到威胁的宪法条款的自由解释,法院扩大了诉诸司法的机会,导致一些人认为阿根廷司法机构是“干预主义者”或“政治主义者”。然而,司法判决强调遵守宪法授权,而不一定侵犯决策领域。环境权利的宪法化对司法部门的做法产生了很大的影响,但与其他因素结合在一起,特别是公民动员、体制变革和公众对环境保护的态度不断演变。积极主动的司法参与,充分发挥其权力,确保政策制定者履行宪法规定的义务,可以迫使政策制定者解决可持续性问题并重新思考战略。将司法机构定位为更有效的环境治理的催化剂,为欧洲法院提供了有用的见解。司法权力越大,宪法责任越大:气候诉讼告诉我们美国和荷兰的司法能力理论——乌得勒支大学法律研究硕士研究生杜威·德·兰格近年来,美国和荷兰在气候诉讼问题上一直处于对立的立场。换句话说,在气候变化的背景下,荷兰法院一直是社会变革的重要舞台,而美国法院却没有。在某种程度上,这种差异似乎很奇怪,因为美国司法机构拥有宪法审查的权力,而荷兰司法机构没有。本文以最近的气候诉讼为例,广泛比较了两种关于政治问题的司法能力学说。作为一个比较框架,本文采用了三个司法阶段,即制度阶段、实体阶段和补救阶段。这一比较分析表明,荷兰的司法管辖权原则侧重于实质性和补救阶段,这使其在审查气候诉讼方面具有更大的自由。总的来说,这导致对司法权限采取一种相对全面的办法,但它可能受益于一个更明确的框架。而美国的司法能力学说则集中在一个严格的制度阶段,主要是因为其巨大的宪法审查司法权导致了政治问题主义(PQD)的巨大宪法责任。由此得出的结论是,美国的司法能力原则总体上不如荷兰的司法能力原则那么全面。法院是社会变革的舞台?意大利宪法法院面对立法者在海底采矿中不确定自由裁量权的自我约束:一个具体反例作者:萨伦托大学宪法学博士后Giorgio Cataldo本文探讨了意大利海底采矿领域社会利益与生产利益之间难以平衡的问题。在过去几年中,首先是承载着当地社区社会需求的区域要求更多地关注可持续性,而国家法律几乎总是优先考虑生产力。宪法法院一直采取一种自我约束的态度,典型的是宏观参考领域,即经济关系领域,基本坚持国家理性。 鉴于这一起点,欧洲法院(European Court Justice) 2022年的裁决(既考虑了环境利益,也考虑了经济问题)是否会带来具体的发展,这一点并不完全确定。同样是在2022年,中国的宪法改革将环境保护正式写入了宪法。事实上,该行业涉及一个复杂的利益框架,政治权力首当其冲首当其冲。因此,在平衡利益之前,人们感到需要在权力、政治权力和司法权力之间取得更适当的平衡。这是因为在这样一个错综复杂的领域中接受社会需求使得仅靠后者的努力是不够的。因此,意大利的案例说明了法院(尤其是宪法法院)在构成社会变革舞台的能力方面可能受到的一些限制。“脚踩在门上”还是“门撞在脸上”?作者:Carlotta Garofalo,博士候选人,格拉茨大学公共法律与政治科学系在具有里程碑意义的Urgenda案件之后,欧洲的社会运动和法律网络越来越多地转向法院,迫使政府制定更雄心勃勃的减缓政策。尽管存在很高的法律障碍,但在欧洲最多样化的司法管辖区,类似紧急情况的案件迅速扩散,这为调查激发欧洲气候诉讼当事人的动机和目标提供了令人信服的理由,尤其是在冒险进行高风险诉讼的情况下。虽然对备受瞩目的气候诉讼的及时法律分析在文献中比比皆是,但一个新兴的研究机构专注于气候案件的起源、它们的策略和社会影响。为了对后一条线索有所贡献,本文一方面研究了法律障碍和考虑因素,另一方面研究了社会运动的动机和目标,如何在受欧洲紧急议程启发的备受瞩目的气候诉讼中形成了各种各样的法律策略。这篇文章认为,即使在提起类似的气候诉讼时,诉讼当事人对社会变革的看法和努力也可能存在分歧。因此,法院可能成为追求社会变革的非常不同的场所,行动者根据他们所参照的法律制度和传统、他们的愿景和目标,选择谨慎或大胆的战略。气候变迁诉讼中论坛选择的权利取向:来自美洲的经验作者:Armelle Gouritin,研究员,墨西哥国家研究委员会;很少有研究将气候诉讼和气候强迫流动放在一起,气候诉讼和国内被迫气候流离失所之间的联系仍然没有得到很好的解决。本文旨在参与填补这一空白。我们专注于在区域人权法院(美洲法院)和国家人权保护机构(墨西哥委员会)之前进行的气候流离失所诉讼,以从潜在诉讼当事人的角度确定每种诉讼的充分性。我们处理缺水背景下的体制、程序和成文法问题。我们发现,虽然制度和程序方面揭示了美洲法院在裁决气候流离失所案件方面的潜力,但墨西哥国家人权委员会对积极义务原则的应用更加分散,并且先验地适合于为潜在诉讼当事人的行动奠定基础。荷兰蒂尔堡大学蒂尔堡法学院公共法律与治理系博士朱莉安娜·德·奥古斯丁斯(Juliana de Augustinis)在原告寻求改变政府整体气候政策的案件中,研究了司法科学方法与裁决程序合法性之间仍未得到充分研究的关系。为此,作者对法院与气候科学互动的困难进行了文献回顾,并比较了相邻国家最高法院判决的两个备受瞩目的案件中的司法参与与科学信息,即Urgenda诉荷兰国家和Neubauer等人诉德国。所选的诉讼在旨在改变国家气候政策和减少排放目标方面产生了相对的利益,涉及相同类型的证据(政府间气候变化专门委员会的评估报告),但导致部分相反的裁决。分析表明,气候科学为法院提供了有关气候变化风险和预防气候变化所需措施的相关信息。 报告还表明,对待科学报告的不同方法导致了在审查缓解目标方面做出不同的决定。最后,从程序的角度来看,它提供了对证据的参与如何影响判决合法性的见解。(瑞士)气候抗议案件的必要性辩护:气候行动主义时代的民主斗争作者:保罗·马佐蒂,马克斯·普朗克比较公法与国际法研究所研究员兼博士候选人随着气候危机的后果开始在全球范围内越来越明显地展现出来,气候行动主义正在兴起。在这种背景下,气候活动家的跨国运动最近开始越来越频繁地诉诸公民不服从行动,因为本应解决这一问题的政治进程的惰性。虽然这些行为表面上是非法的,因此不应受到惩罚。本文通过试图从国际环境法和气候科学以及解决该问题的各个司法管辖区的跨国判例法中对气候必要性辩护的解释进行深入了解,将气候必要性辩护概念化为气候诉讼的一个实例。最主要的论点是,自由主义的解释比判决被告的法官所采用的理解更符合当前关于环境问题的法律思想。因此,本文提倡理解气候必要性辩护,倾向于接受其适用性,扩大(而不是限制)气候政策民主辩论的空间,促进充满活力的审议过程。作者:菲律宾远东大学法学教授Josiah David F. Quising近年来,全球各地的儿童,如Greta Thunberg和Kelsey Juliana,站在了要求政府对环境破坏负责的第一线。在菲律宾,“Oposa v. Factoran”一案赋予未成年人和未出生的后代以法律地位,以行使他们享有平衡和健康生态的宪法权利。菲律宾最高法院的裁决基于代际公平原则,即每一代人都有义务为下一代保护环境。在法庭上代表后代不是一个新概念,也不是菲律宾独有的。通过考察国家法律、条约、公约以及国内和国际法院的判决,本文旨在展示代际公平如何被全球几乎所有国家广泛认可为国家实践和法律意见的证据。本文认为,代际公平原则已经成熟,可以作为习惯国际法加以考虑,并讨论了国内和国际法院和法庭如何作为建立这种原则的媒介发挥了重要作用,并建议将儿童和未出生的后代作为必要的后果给予法律地位。承认自然权利:法院进展如何?作者:Tolulope N. Ogboru,尼日利亚乔斯大学法学院环境法教授自然权利是环境法中一个不断发展的理论。它主张尊重自然物体,允许它们为自己而存在、繁衍和繁荣,而不是为了功利目的。然而,试图行使这些权利往往会导致诉讼。这些案件的结果对自然权利概念对法理学发展和环境保护的影响具有严重影响,这将进一步决定国际社会是否接受或拒绝自然权利概念。对一些关键案件的审查揭示了一些积极的发展,可以加强这一概念的实施,但它也表明,法院采用的方法存在一些挑战。这篇文章的结论是,自然权利只有在宪法和立法规定完善、法院判决具有实际意义的情况下,才能成为加强环境保护的法理工具。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
2.10
自引率
21.10%
发文量
13
期刊介绍: The European Law Journal represents an authoritative new approach to the study of European Law, developed specifically to express and develop the study and understanding of European law in its social, cultural, political and economic context. It has a highly reputed board of editors. The journal fills a major gap in the current literature on all issues of European law, and is essential reading for anyone studying or practising EU law and its diverse impact on the environment, national legal systems, local government, economic organizations, and European citizens. As well as focusing on the European Union, the journal also examines the national legal systems of countries in Western, Central and Eastern Europe and relations between Europe and other parts of the world, particularly the United States, Japan, China, India, Mercosur and developing countries. The journal is published in English but is dedicated to publishing native language articles and has a dedicated translation fund available for this purpose. It is a refereed journal.
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