Creating the Modern Iranian Woman: Popular Culture between Two Revolutions

Gülriz Şen
{"title":"Creating the Modern Iranian Woman: Popular Culture between Two Revolutions","authors":"Gülriz Şen","doi":"10.1215/15525864-11176430","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"lectuals isolated from the rest of society, which took power via a bloody coup. People who stood up against both the Soviet forces and the PDPA government, and who lived and worked during a time of heavy censorship and fear in the communist era, especially in Kabul, are submsumed under the blanket category of “jihadi fighters.” When discussing Hosseini’s novel, The Kite Runner, Ivanchikova asks, “Why does Hosseini— a debut novelist seeking to break into the post-9/11 NATO-centric literary market—as well as the film director who further condenses the message for greater effect—resort to such gaudy anti-Sovietisms? Is it because one might expect that, in NATO-centric contexts, the audiences are well primed to see the Soviets as evil?” (65). Ivanchikova does not consider that Hosseini himself, as an Afghan American writer, may have had an anti-Soviet stance. The author also understands the communist era in Afghanistan as one of women’s advancement and economic justice, where women were relieved “from traditional customs and gender roles that relegated their lives to the private domain” (93). This is a problematic assumption, as the socialist era only benefited a small subsection of urban women in Kabul. Furthermore, gender policies under the PDPA were imposed from above and did not resonate with the majority of the Afghan people, as they were deemed insensitive. In her discussions and analyses of post-2001 cultural production, Ivanchikova portrays Afghanistan’s contemporary political history through the lens of either the United States or the Soviet Union. Yet being critical of one imperial power in Afghanistan does not mean promoting and whitewashing the atrocities of another. More engagement with Afghan sources and working carefully with the multiplicity of perspectives on the ground are necessary to avoid depicting and reproducing incomplete and inaccurate understandings of contemporary Afghan history, to which we are too often witness in Anglophone scholarship. The country’s forty-year political history is long, complex, and requires rigorous and careful analyses. Overall, Ivanchikova is successful in helping us (those in the US Anglophone context) understand the representational “matrices that persist and still structure our perceptions” (236). The book makes a contribution to the field of comparative literature and media studies and does diversify work within these areas of study.","PeriodicalId":511612,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Middle East Women's Studies","volume":" 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2024-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Middle East Women's Studies","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15525864-11176430","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1

Abstract

lectuals isolated from the rest of society, which took power via a bloody coup. People who stood up against both the Soviet forces and the PDPA government, and who lived and worked during a time of heavy censorship and fear in the communist era, especially in Kabul, are submsumed under the blanket category of “jihadi fighters.” When discussing Hosseini’s novel, The Kite Runner, Ivanchikova asks, “Why does Hosseini— a debut novelist seeking to break into the post-9/11 NATO-centric literary market—as well as the film director who further condenses the message for greater effect—resort to such gaudy anti-Sovietisms? Is it because one might expect that, in NATO-centric contexts, the audiences are well primed to see the Soviets as evil?” (65). Ivanchikova does not consider that Hosseini himself, as an Afghan American writer, may have had an anti-Soviet stance. The author also understands the communist era in Afghanistan as one of women’s advancement and economic justice, where women were relieved “from traditional customs and gender roles that relegated their lives to the private domain” (93). This is a problematic assumption, as the socialist era only benefited a small subsection of urban women in Kabul. Furthermore, gender policies under the PDPA were imposed from above and did not resonate with the majority of the Afghan people, as they were deemed insensitive. In her discussions and analyses of post-2001 cultural production, Ivanchikova portrays Afghanistan’s contemporary political history through the lens of either the United States or the Soviet Union. Yet being critical of one imperial power in Afghanistan does not mean promoting and whitewashing the atrocities of another. More engagement with Afghan sources and working carefully with the multiplicity of perspectives on the ground are necessary to avoid depicting and reproducing incomplete and inaccurate understandings of contemporary Afghan history, to which we are too often witness in Anglophone scholarship. The country’s forty-year political history is long, complex, and requires rigorous and careful analyses. Overall, Ivanchikova is successful in helping us (those in the US Anglophone context) understand the representational “matrices that persist and still structure our perceptions” (236). The book makes a contribution to the field of comparative literature and media studies and does diversify work within these areas of study.
打造现代伊朗女性:两次革命之间的大众文化
通过血腥政变夺取政权的人民民主党是与社会其他阶层隔绝的。那些站出来反对苏联军队和人民民主党政府的人,那些在共产主义时代(尤其是在喀布尔)严厉的审查和恐惧中生活和工作的人,都被归入了 "圣战战士 "这个笼统的类别。在讨论胡赛尼的小说《追风筝的人》时,伊万奇科娃问道:"为什么胡赛尼--一个试图打入 9/11 后以北约为中心的文学市场的处女作小说家--以及进一步浓缩信息以达到更佳效果的电影导演--会诉诸如此华丽的反苏主义?是否因为在以北约为中心的背景下,人们可能会认为观众已经做好了将苏联视为邪恶的准备?(65).伊万奇科娃没有考虑到,作为一名美籍阿富汗作家,胡赛尼本人可能也持反苏立场。作者还将阿富汗的共产主义时代理解为提高妇女地位和实现经济公正的时代,在这个时代,妇女 "摆脱了将其生活归于私人领域的传统习俗和性别角色"(93)。这是一个有问题的假设,因为社会主义时代只惠及了喀布尔的一小部分城市妇女。此外,阿富汗人民民主党的性别政策是由上面强加的,并没有引起大多数阿富汗人的共鸣,因为这些政策被认为是麻木不仁的。伊万奇科娃在讨论和分析 2001 年后的文化生产时,通过美国或苏联的视角来描绘阿富汗的当代政治史。然而,批评阿富汗的一个帝国主义强权并不意味着宣扬和粉饰另一个帝国主义强权的暴行。有必要更多地接触阿富汗的资料来源,并谨慎地与当地的多种视角合作,以避免描绘和再现对阿富汗当代历史不完整和不准确的理解,我们在英语国家的学术研究中经常看到这种情况。阿富汗四十年的政治历史漫长而复杂,需要严谨而细致的分析。总之,伊万奇科娃成功地帮助我们(美国英语环境中的人)理解了 "持续存在并仍在构建我们认知的表象矩阵"(236)。该书为比较文学和媒体研究领域做出了贡献,并使这些研究领域的工作更加多样化。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
求助全文
约1分钟内获得全文 求助全文
来源期刊
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:604180095
Book学术官方微信