American Catholics and the Quest for Equality in the Civil War Era by Robert Emmett Curran (review)

IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY
Adam L. Tate
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One might expect, Curran intimates, that Catholics, who had suffered for years at the hands of political nativists, would have embraced the end of slavery, national citizenship, and equal rights for all. Instead, Curran gripes that white Catholics were committed “to slavery and the racial order it guaranteed” and thus helped “[turn] backward” Abraham Lincoln’s “revolution” before they retreated into their self-imposed postwar ghettos (pp. 4, 6). The book offers a useful perspective on Catholicism in mid-nineteenth-century America, but its polemical tone distorts its historical narrative.</p> <p>Curran’s book provides a wealth of interesting information. In the past, Curran has written on numerous topics—Catholic higher education and anti-Catholicism in North America, in particular—and edited diaries and letters of both prominent and obscure nineteenth-century American Catholics. He expertly weaves in his previous research throughout the book, producing a volume that includes the perspectives of both clergy and laity, men and women. Curran laments the Catholic majority opinion during the 1850s and 1860s, but his volume actually shows Catholics on all sides of the issues of the day. During the Civil War, Catholics supported both abolition (such as Orestes Brownson and General William Rosecrans) and slavery (Bishop Patrick Lynch of Charleston). Catholics could be found among the enlisted men in both armies as well as in the officer corps. Curran points out that three generals, William Tecumseh Sherman, Philip Sheridan, and Thomas Ewing Jr., saved the Union war effort in 1864. All had attended the same Catholic church, St. Joseph’s in Somerset, Ohio, as boys. Additionally, Catholics were involved in diplomacy on both sides (Archbishop John Hughes of New York and Lynch). Tragically, Catholics were involved in Lincoln’s assassination, too. Mary Surratt, a Catholic, was the first woman executed by the United States government. <strong>[End Page 438]</strong> Ewing was one of the lawyers involved in the trials of the conspirators. In fact, Curran demonstrates that Catholics were prominent throughout the whole history of the war. That white Catholics took varied positions and were divided, usually on sectional lines, in their loyalties made them little different from their fellow white Americans. In other words, despite Curran’s wishes, there was no essentialist Catholic response to the tumultuous events of the period.</p> <p>Due to a variety of factors, most of which go unexplored, most nineteenth-century American Catholics identified with the Democratic Party, a loyalty that continued after the war and placed white Catholics against the Radicals during Reconstruction. Curran initially reduces that opposition to racism. But, later, he admits that white Catholics, like many white Americans, disliked a “concentration of power in the national government” because they perceived it to be “antithetical to the republican ideology that diffused sovereignty” (p. 235). He also admits, “For labor, within which category most Catholics fell, the war was no bonanza” (p. 332). Thus, Catholics’ political identities, like those of other white Americans, were tied both to political ideology and to economic interests.</p> <p>Curran’s frustration with nineteenth-century Catholics seems to mirror his contemporary political disappointments. In the volume’s conclusion, Curran laments that many American Catholics voted for Donald Trump instead of Joe Biden, “a practicing Catholic” (p. 383). Curran then encourages American Catholics to read Pope Francis’s encyclical <em>Fratelli tutti</em> (2020) so that they can embrace Lincoln’s promise of equality. Of course, Curran is aware that during the nineteenth century, nativists argued that Catholics could not be trusted because they voted tribally as a bloc and took their politics from the pope. Nevertheless, with no sense of irony, he recommends these two...</p> </p>","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8000,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a925470","RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • American Catholics and the Quest for Equality in the Civil War Era by Robert Emmett Curran
  • Adam L. Tate
American Catholics and the Quest for Equality in the Civil War Era. By Robert Emmett Curran. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2023. Pp. xii, 458. $60.00, ISBN 978-0-8071-7930-7.)

Robert Emmett Curran’s American Catholics and the Quest for Equality in the Civil War Era is a spirited work that examines Catholics’ participation in American life, “in pursuit of a promised equality that had never fully included” them, between 1846 and 1877 (p. 2). One might expect, Curran intimates, that Catholics, who had suffered for years at the hands of political nativists, would have embraced the end of slavery, national citizenship, and equal rights for all. Instead, Curran gripes that white Catholics were committed “to slavery and the racial order it guaranteed” and thus helped “[turn] backward” Abraham Lincoln’s “revolution” before they retreated into their self-imposed postwar ghettos (pp. 4, 6). The book offers a useful perspective on Catholicism in mid-nineteenth-century America, but its polemical tone distorts its historical narrative.

Curran’s book provides a wealth of interesting information. In the past, Curran has written on numerous topics—Catholic higher education and anti-Catholicism in North America, in particular—and edited diaries and letters of both prominent and obscure nineteenth-century American Catholics. He expertly weaves in his previous research throughout the book, producing a volume that includes the perspectives of both clergy and laity, men and women. Curran laments the Catholic majority opinion during the 1850s and 1860s, but his volume actually shows Catholics on all sides of the issues of the day. During the Civil War, Catholics supported both abolition (such as Orestes Brownson and General William Rosecrans) and slavery (Bishop Patrick Lynch of Charleston). Catholics could be found among the enlisted men in both armies as well as in the officer corps. Curran points out that three generals, William Tecumseh Sherman, Philip Sheridan, and Thomas Ewing Jr., saved the Union war effort in 1864. All had attended the same Catholic church, St. Joseph’s in Somerset, Ohio, as boys. Additionally, Catholics were involved in diplomacy on both sides (Archbishop John Hughes of New York and Lynch). Tragically, Catholics were involved in Lincoln’s assassination, too. Mary Surratt, a Catholic, was the first woman executed by the United States government. [End Page 438] Ewing was one of the lawyers involved in the trials of the conspirators. In fact, Curran demonstrates that Catholics were prominent throughout the whole history of the war. That white Catholics took varied positions and were divided, usually on sectional lines, in their loyalties made them little different from their fellow white Americans. In other words, despite Curran’s wishes, there was no essentialist Catholic response to the tumultuous events of the period.

Due to a variety of factors, most of which go unexplored, most nineteenth-century American Catholics identified with the Democratic Party, a loyalty that continued after the war and placed white Catholics against the Radicals during Reconstruction. Curran initially reduces that opposition to racism. But, later, he admits that white Catholics, like many white Americans, disliked a “concentration of power in the national government” because they perceived it to be “antithetical to the republican ideology that diffused sovereignty” (p. 235). He also admits, “For labor, within which category most Catholics fell, the war was no bonanza” (p. 332). Thus, Catholics’ political identities, like those of other white Americans, were tied both to political ideology and to economic interests.

Curran’s frustration with nineteenth-century Catholics seems to mirror his contemporary political disappointments. In the volume’s conclusion, Curran laments that many American Catholics voted for Donald Trump instead of Joe Biden, “a practicing Catholic” (p. 383). Curran then encourages American Catholics to read Pope Francis’s encyclical Fratelli tutti (2020) so that they can embrace Lincoln’s promise of equality. Of course, Curran is aware that during the nineteenth century, nativists argued that Catholics could not be trusted because they voted tribally as a bloc and took their politics from the pope. Nevertheless, with no sense of irony, he recommends these two...

罗伯特-埃米特-库兰(Robert Emmett Curran)所著的《美国天主教徒与内战时期的平等追求》(评论
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 美国天主教徒与南北战争时期对平等的追求》,作者:Robert Emmett Curran Adam L. Tate 《美国天主教徒与南北战争时期对平等的追求》。作者:Robert Emmett Curran。(巴吞鲁日:路易斯安那州立大学出版社,2023 年。第 xii、458 页。60.00美元,ISBN 978-0-8071-7930-7)。罗伯特-埃米特-库兰(Robert Emmett Curran)的《美国天主教徒与内战时期对平等的追求》是一部充满激情的作品,该书研究了天主教徒在 1846 年至 1877 年间参与美国生活的情况,"他们追求的是从未完全包括他们在内的平等承诺"(第 2 页)。库兰暗示说,人们可能会认为,多年来在政治上受尽本土主义者折磨的天主教徒会接受奴隶制的终结、国家公民身份和所有人的平等权利。相反,库兰抱怨说,白人天主教徒致力于 "奴隶制及其所保障的种族秩序",因此在他们退回战后自我封闭的贫民窟之前,帮助"[扭转]了 "亚伯拉罕-林肯的 "革命"(第 4 页和第 6 页)。该书为我们提供了一个了解十九世纪中叶美国天主教的有用视角,但其论战口吻扭曲了其历史叙事。库兰的书提供了大量有趣的信息。库兰过去曾撰写过许多专题--尤其是天主教高等教育和北美的反天主教主义,并编辑过十九世纪美国著名和不知名天主教徒的日记和信件。他将自己以前的研究成果巧妙地融入全书,使这本书既有神职人员的观点,也有教友的观点,既有男性的观点,也有女性的观点。库兰对 19 世纪 50 年代和 60 年代天主教徒的多数意见表示遗憾,但他的书实际上展现了天主教徒在当时各种问题上的立场。内战期间,天主教徒既支持废奴(如奥雷斯特斯-布朗森和威廉-罗斯克兰斯将军),也支持奴隶制(查尔斯顿的帕特里克-林奇主教)。两支军队的士兵和军官中都有天主教徒。库兰指出,威廉-特库姆塞-谢尔曼、菲利普-谢里丹和小托马斯-尤因三位将军在 1864 年挽救了联邦的战局。他们小时候都曾在俄亥俄州萨默塞特的圣约瑟夫天主教堂就读。此外,天主教徒还参与了双方的外交活动(纽约大主教约翰-休斯和林奇)。不幸的是,天主教徒也参与了刺杀林肯的行动。天主教徒玛丽-苏拉特(Mary Surratt)是第一位被美国政府处决的女性。[尤因是参与审判密谋者的律师之一。事实上,库兰表明,天主教徒在整个战争史上都很突出。白人天主教徒的立场各不相同,在忠诚问题上也存在分歧,通常是按教派划分的,这使得他们与美国白人同胞没有什么不同。换句话说,尽管库兰希望如此,但天主教并没有对这一时期的动荡事件做出本质上的回应。由于各种因素(其中大部分未被探讨),大多数 19 世纪的美国天主教徒都认同民主党,这种忠诚在战后仍在继续,并在重建时期使白人天主教徒与激进党对立。库兰最初将这种反对归结为种族主义。但后来他承认,白人天主教徒和许多美国白人一样,不喜欢 "权力集中于国家政府",因为他们认为这 "与分散主权的共和思想背道而驰"(第 235 页)。他还承认,"对于大多数天主教徒所属的劳工而言,战争并不是一场大丰收"(第 332 页)。因此,天主教徒的政治身份与其他美国白人一样,既与政治意识形态相关,也与经济利益相关。库兰对 19 世纪天主教徒的失望似乎反映了他对当代政治的失望。在该书的结尾,库兰感叹许多美国天主教徒投票支持唐纳德-特朗普,而不是 "信奉天主教的 "乔-拜登(第 383 页)。随后,库兰鼓励美国天主教徒阅读教皇方济各的通谕 Fratelli tutti (2020),从而接受林肯的平等承诺。当然,库兰知道,在十九世纪,本土主义者认为天主教徒不可信任,因为他们以部落为单位投票,并从教皇那里获得政治信仰。尽管如此,他还是毫无讽刺之意地推荐了这两个......
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