American Inheritance: Liberty and Slavery in the Birth of a Nation, 1765–1795 by Edward J. Larson (review)

Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI:10.1353/soh.2024.a925449
Matthew R. Hale
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Larson notes in the preface to his new book, <em>American Inheritance: Liberty and Slavery in the Birth of a Nation, 1765–1795</em>, “The role of liberty and slavery in the American Revolution is a partisan minefield” (p. vii). While “some on the right,” he states, “dismiss the role of slavery in the founding of the republic,” “some on the left see the defense of state-sanctioned slavery as a cause of the Revolution and an effect of the Constitution” (p. vii). Despite this opening reference to politics, Larson does not mention, although he is clearly aware of, the more intellectually rigorous, intrapartisan debate on the left concerning related issues. That omission is suggestive, as Larson fully enters neither the Left-Right “minefield” nor the Left’s intrapartisan dispute. Rather, he attempts to traverse lightly both conflicts for the sake of providing a popular audience with a readable overview of the career of liberty and slavery in late-eighteenth-century American society.</p> <p>In many ways, that attempt is successful. In less than 270 pages of main text, Larson ingeniously surveys virtually every well-known phenomenon dealing with slavery and liberty between 1765 and 1795. Even a partial list of the topics discussed in the first 120 pages—John Locke; the relationship between chattel slavery and the rhetoric of political slavery; Crispus Attucks, John Adams, and the Boston Massacre; the <em>Somerset</em> case; Black and white antislavery activism; the Declaration of Independence; George Washington’s stance on African Americans in the military; Lord Dunmore’s Proclamation; Phillis Wheatley; Rhode Island’s recruitment of Black soldiers; and various state constitutions—reveals the scope of authorial ambition. The book’s big idea—that “the American Revolution and the new American nation became less about liberty or slavery than about liberty and slavery”—is less a well-developed original thesis than an organizing theme (p. 15). Even so, Larson, a Pulitzer Prize winner and gifted storyteller, offers insightful commentary at every turn and deftly glides from one topic to another.</p> <p>The adroit narration of so many developments could allow this text to work well in undergraduate surveys or American Revolution classes. Students sometimes benefit from wrestling with a book that is less than fully invested in carving out a clear historiographical position because it affords them the opportunity to draw out historical meaning on their own. The book’s surfeit of characters and events also means that an instructor could readily construct a selective reading assignment to suit both the particular course and students’ skill level. <strong>[End Page 410]</strong></p> <p>Graduate students and scholars in the field might find Larson’s inclination to downplay or occlude the existence of certain intrapartisan academic debates problematic. For instance, successive endnotes for a paragraph on Lord Dunmore’s Proclamation cite in full, respectively, one sentence by Woody Holton and Sean Wilentz (pp. 295–96<em>nn</em>81–82). Yet Larson does not stipulate, in either the notes or the main text, that those two historians are at loggerheads over the significance of that proclamation, even though the specific Wilentz sentence cited by Larson is part of a strongly worded critical review of Holton’s scholarship. It is possible, of course, that Larson does not openly acknowledge the Holton-Wilentz argument because he considers their views susceptible to synthesis. If so, there is no explanation of how that synthesis could be achieved. Every reader of this book will therefore be deprived of the chance to think more deeply about the relationship between Dunmore’s Proclamation and the coming of the American Revolution. Nonacademic readers will be deprived, in addition, of the chance to meditate on the role that such scholarly debate plays in the production of knowledge.</p> <p>In the end, <em>American Inheritance</em> is a valuable overview of liberty and slavery in...</p> </p>","PeriodicalId":0,"journal":{"name":"","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a925449","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • American Inheritance: Liberty and Slavery in the Birth of a Nation, 1765–1795 by Edward J. Larson
  • Matthew R. Hale
American Inheritance: Liberty and Slavery in the Birth of a Nation, 1765–1795. By Edward J. Larson. (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 2023. Pp. x, 358. Paper, $17.99, ISBN 978-1-324-07521-9; cloth, $32.50, ISBN 978-0-393-88220-9.)

As Edward J. Larson notes in the preface to his new book, American Inheritance: Liberty and Slavery in the Birth of a Nation, 1765–1795, “The role of liberty and slavery in the American Revolution is a partisan minefield” (p. vii). While “some on the right,” he states, “dismiss the role of slavery in the founding of the republic,” “some on the left see the defense of state-sanctioned slavery as a cause of the Revolution and an effect of the Constitution” (p. vii). Despite this opening reference to politics, Larson does not mention, although he is clearly aware of, the more intellectually rigorous, intrapartisan debate on the left concerning related issues. That omission is suggestive, as Larson fully enters neither the Left-Right “minefield” nor the Left’s intrapartisan dispute. Rather, he attempts to traverse lightly both conflicts for the sake of providing a popular audience with a readable overview of the career of liberty and slavery in late-eighteenth-century American society.

In many ways, that attempt is successful. In less than 270 pages of main text, Larson ingeniously surveys virtually every well-known phenomenon dealing with slavery and liberty between 1765 and 1795. Even a partial list of the topics discussed in the first 120 pages—John Locke; the relationship between chattel slavery and the rhetoric of political slavery; Crispus Attucks, John Adams, and the Boston Massacre; the Somerset case; Black and white antislavery activism; the Declaration of Independence; George Washington’s stance on African Americans in the military; Lord Dunmore’s Proclamation; Phillis Wheatley; Rhode Island’s recruitment of Black soldiers; and various state constitutions—reveals the scope of authorial ambition. The book’s big idea—that “the American Revolution and the new American nation became less about liberty or slavery than about liberty and slavery”—is less a well-developed original thesis than an organizing theme (p. 15). Even so, Larson, a Pulitzer Prize winner and gifted storyteller, offers insightful commentary at every turn and deftly glides from one topic to another.

The adroit narration of so many developments could allow this text to work well in undergraduate surveys or American Revolution classes. Students sometimes benefit from wrestling with a book that is less than fully invested in carving out a clear historiographical position because it affords them the opportunity to draw out historical meaning on their own. The book’s surfeit of characters and events also means that an instructor could readily construct a selective reading assignment to suit both the particular course and students’ skill level. [End Page 410]

Graduate students and scholars in the field might find Larson’s inclination to downplay or occlude the existence of certain intrapartisan academic debates problematic. For instance, successive endnotes for a paragraph on Lord Dunmore’s Proclamation cite in full, respectively, one sentence by Woody Holton and Sean Wilentz (pp. 295–96nn81–82). Yet Larson does not stipulate, in either the notes or the main text, that those two historians are at loggerheads over the significance of that proclamation, even though the specific Wilentz sentence cited by Larson is part of a strongly worded critical review of Holton’s scholarship. It is possible, of course, that Larson does not openly acknowledge the Holton-Wilentz argument because he considers their views susceptible to synthesis. If so, there is no explanation of how that synthesis could be achieved. Every reader of this book will therefore be deprived of the chance to think more deeply about the relationship between Dunmore’s Proclamation and the coming of the American Revolution. Nonacademic readers will be deprived, in addition, of the chance to meditate on the role that such scholarly debate plays in the production of knowledge.

In the end, American Inheritance is a valuable overview of liberty and slavery in...

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美国的遗产:一个国家诞生时的自由与奴隶制,1765-1795 年》,作者 Edward J. Larson(评论)
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: 美国的遗产:Edward J. Larson Matthew R. Hale 著,《美国的继承:一个国家诞生时的自由与奴隶制,1765-1795 年》(American Inheritance:一个国家诞生时的自由与奴隶制,1765-1795 年》。Edward J. Larson 著。(纽约:W. W. 诺顿公司,2023 年。x, 358页。纸质版,17.99 美元,ISBN 978-1-324-07521-9;布质版,32.50 美元,ISBN 978-0-393-88220-9)。正如爱德华-J-拉尔森(Edward J. Larson)在其新书《美国的继承》的序言中指出的那样:正如爱德华-J-拉尔森(Edward J. Larson)在其新书《美国的继承:一个国家诞生时的自由与奴隶制,1765-1795 年》的序言中指出的,"自由与奴隶制在美国革命中的作用是一个党派雷区"(第 vii 页)。他说,"右派中的一些人""否认奴隶制在共和国建立过程中的作用",而 "左派中的一些人则将捍卫国家认可的奴隶制视为革命的原因和宪法的影响"(第 vii 页)。尽管开篇提到了政治,但拉尔森并没有提及(尽管他显然意识到)左派就相关问题展开的更为严谨的党内辩论。这一疏忽是有暗示性的,因为拉森既没有完全进入左翼与右翼的 "雷区",也没有进入左翼的党内争论。相反,他试图轻描淡写地穿越这两种冲突,以便为大众读者提供一个关于十八世纪晚期美国社会中自由与奴隶制事业的可读性概述。在许多方面,这一尝试是成功的。在不到 270 页的正文中,拉尔森巧妙地考察了 1765 年至 1795 年间几乎所有涉及奴隶制和自由的著名现象。即使是前 120 页讨论的部分主题清单--约翰-洛克;动产奴隶制与政治奴隶制言论之间的关系;克里斯珀斯-阿塔克斯、约翰-亚当斯和波士顿大屠杀;萨默塞特案;黑人和白人反奴隶制活动;独立宣言》、乔治-华盛顿对非裔美国人参军的立场、邓莫尔勋爵的《公告》、菲利斯-惠特利、罗德岛州招募黑人士兵以及各州宪法,这些都揭示了作者的雄心壮志。该书的最大观点--"美国革命和新的美国国家与其说是关于自由或奴隶制,不如说是关于自由和奴隶制"--与其说是一个完善的原创论文,不如说是一个组织主题(第 15 页)。即便如此,身为普利策奖得主和天才说书人的拉尔森还是不失时机地提供了富有洞察力的评论,并巧妙地从一个主题过渡到另一个主题。对众多事件发展的巧妙叙述可以让这本书在本科生的美国革命调查或美国革命课程中发挥很好的作用。学生们有时会从与一本并不完全致力于明确历史学立场的书的搏斗中获益,因为这样他们就有机会自己总结出历史意义。书中大量的人物和事件也意味着,教师可以根据具体课程和学生的技能水平有选择地布置阅读作业。[该领域的研究生和学者可能会发现,拉森倾向于淡化或掩盖某些党内学术争论的存在,这很成问题。例如,关于邓莫尔勋爵的《公告》的一个段落的连续尾注分别全文引用了伍迪-霍尔顿(Woody Holton)和肖恩-威伦茨(Sean Wilentz)的一句话(第 295-96nn81-82 页)。然而,无论是在注释中还是在正文中,拉森都没有说明这两位历史学家在该宣言的意义问题上存在分歧,尽管拉森引用的威伦茨的具体句子是对霍尔顿学术研究措辞激烈的批评性评论的一部分。当然,拉森之所以没有公开承认霍尔顿-威伦茨的论点,有可能是因为他认为他们的观点是可以综合的。如果是这样,书中也没有解释如何实现综合。因此,本书的每一位读者都将失去深入思考邓莫尔宣言与美国革命到来之间关系的机会。此外,非学术界的读者也将失去思考此类学术辩论在知识生产中所扮演的角色的机会。最后,《美国的继承》是对美国自由与奴隶制的一次宝贵概述。
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