Heritage Conservation in Postcolonial India: Approaches and Challenges ed. by Manish Chalana and Ashima Krishna (review)

IF 0.1 4区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities
Ateya Khorakiwala
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The image (below right) shows a typical <em>shala</em> structure in a <em>thatara tola</em> construction in Chamba, with a <em>badi</em> and <em>tulsi vedika</em> in the front courtyard. The four concrete columns in the front veranda, and a small outdoor bathing area on the right of the entrance steps are more recent additions. Sketch generated in September 2014 as part of a studio project at the School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi. Source: Sakriti Vishwakarma.</p> <p></p> <p>Manish Chalana’s and Ashima Krishna’s volume brings a chorus of divergent and complementary voices together to represent the major debates and directions in heritage conservation in India. The critical framing of the book is centered on the changing institutional and theoretical norms in the field of conservation, particularly in contrast to the approaches laid out by the colonial and governmental behemoth, the Archeological Society of India (ASI). Heritage conservation’s institutional landscape exceeds the ASI; it is also shaped by the different histories and organizational structures of the non-governmental Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage (INTACH) and the global mandates and directions of the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). The book aims to complicate this institutional landscape by introducing the myriad institutional scaffolds that make conservation possible. It presents emerging definitions and trends of heritage in postcolonial India by bringing together essays from practitioners in the field that complicate both what heritage is and what its conservation should and does constitute. Positioned against the ASI’s monument-centric model of conservation, the book produces conservation as a textual production: lists, publications, status designations, vision plans, and even public interest litigations (PILs).</p> <p>In the post-independence period, Chalana and Krishna argue, the ASI narrowly and uniformly enforced the prescriptions of a 1923 document, the conservation manual thus shaping postcolonial heritage as an archeological and bureaucratic endeavor. These two aspects—the uniformity of application and the power of a manual—have had an outsize impact on the field. The strength of the ASI is that it has produced a comprehensive record of monuments and artifacts; however, this reinforced a flaw. This textual and archival work of heritage, which stems from its archeological roots, has conversely limited what constitutes heritage or history to monumental buildings and thus limits models and methods of conservation to material processes. In the 1980s, as India’s economy liberalized, conservation shifted when the non-governmental INTACH entered the field, challenging ASI’s dominance and offering a different approach to conservation. This new approach decentered the monument-centric one with its three categories of heritage: built, natural, and intangible living heritage. Today, INTACH too <strong>[End Page 119]</strong> is a behemoth in the field. The central question of the volume is that, given the profound impact of the intertwined legacies of ASI and INTACH, how might conservation both challenge these formats and thrive in their wake?</p> <br/> Click for larger view<br/> View full resolution Figure 2. <p>View of an <em>ekshala</em> dwelling in Surara Moholla with a modern, brick and concrete extension at right angle, to the left of the image. The debris in the foreground is the construction material for a demolished <em>thatara tola</em> construction that the new extension has replaced. Also seen along with the debris is galvanized roofing sheets that are fast replacing the traditional timber roofs with slate shingles. Source: Sakriti Vishwakarma.</p> <p></p> <p>Part I of the book begins with two chapters written by conservation professionals working in the ASI and INTACH. While these chapters provide insight into these two recognizable institutions, the function of part I is to underscore that conservation happens in myriad ways—local governments, municipalities, local activists, and other state and non–state actors play significant roles. Ashima Krishna’s fourth chapter, “Tools for Heritage Advocacy in Lucknow,” offers a critique of expertise—advocates become surrogates in conditions where institutional mechanisms are sparse. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • Heritage Conservation in Postcolonial India: Approaches and Challenges ed. by Manish Chalana and Ashima Krishna
  • Ateya Khorakiwala (bio)
Heritage Conservation in Postcolonial India: Approaches and Challenges
Edited by Manish Chalana and Ashima Krishna
Routledge, 2020
Click for larger view
View full resolution Figure 1.

Ground-level plan of a shala (left); first-level plan (above right). The image (below right) shows a typical shala structure in a thatara tola construction in Chamba, with a badi and tulsi vedika in the front courtyard. The four concrete columns in the front veranda, and a small outdoor bathing area on the right of the entrance steps are more recent additions. Sketch generated in September 2014 as part of a studio project at the School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi. Source: Sakriti Vishwakarma.

Manish Chalana’s and Ashima Krishna’s volume brings a chorus of divergent and complementary voices together to represent the major debates and directions in heritage conservation in India. The critical framing of the book is centered on the changing institutional and theoretical norms in the field of conservation, particularly in contrast to the approaches laid out by the colonial and governmental behemoth, the Archeological Society of India (ASI). Heritage conservation’s institutional landscape exceeds the ASI; it is also shaped by the different histories and organizational structures of the non-governmental Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage (INTACH) and the global mandates and directions of the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). The book aims to complicate this institutional landscape by introducing the myriad institutional scaffolds that make conservation possible. It presents emerging definitions and trends of heritage in postcolonial India by bringing together essays from practitioners in the field that complicate both what heritage is and what its conservation should and does constitute. Positioned against the ASI’s monument-centric model of conservation, the book produces conservation as a textual production: lists, publications, status designations, vision plans, and even public interest litigations (PILs).

In the post-independence period, Chalana and Krishna argue, the ASI narrowly and uniformly enforced the prescriptions of a 1923 document, the conservation manual thus shaping postcolonial heritage as an archeological and bureaucratic endeavor. These two aspects—the uniformity of application and the power of a manual—have had an outsize impact on the field. The strength of the ASI is that it has produced a comprehensive record of monuments and artifacts; however, this reinforced a flaw. This textual and archival work of heritage, which stems from its archeological roots, has conversely limited what constitutes heritage or history to monumental buildings and thus limits models and methods of conservation to material processes. In the 1980s, as India’s economy liberalized, conservation shifted when the non-governmental INTACH entered the field, challenging ASI’s dominance and offering a different approach to conservation. This new approach decentered the monument-centric one with its three categories of heritage: built, natural, and intangible living heritage. Today, INTACH too [End Page 119] is a behemoth in the field. The central question of the volume is that, given the profound impact of the intertwined legacies of ASI and INTACH, how might conservation both challenge these formats and thrive in their wake?


Click for larger view
View full resolution Figure 2.

View of an ekshala dwelling in Surara Moholla with a modern, brick and concrete extension at right angle, to the left of the image. The debris in the foreground is the construction material for a demolished thatara tola construction that the new extension has replaced. Also seen along with the debris is galvanized roofing sheets that are fast replacing the traditional timber roofs with slate shingles. Source: Sakriti Vishwakarma.

Part I of the book begins with two chapters written by conservation professionals working in the ASI and INTACH. While these chapters provide insight into these two recognizable institutions, the function of part I is to underscore that conservation happens in myriad ways—local governments, municipalities, local activists, and other state and non–state actors play significant roles. Ashima Krishna’s fourth chapter, “Tools for Heritage Advocacy in Lucknow,” offers a critique of expertise—advocates become surrogates in conditions where institutional mechanisms are sparse. Krishna’s...

后殖民印度的遗产保护:Manish Chalana 和 Ashima Krishna 编著的《方法与挑战》(评论)
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: 后殖民时期印度的遗产保护:由 Manish Chalana 和 Ashima Krishna 编辑 Ateya Khorakiwala (bio) Heritage Conservation in Postcolonial India:Manish Chalana 和 Ashima Krishna 编,Routledge,2020 点击放大 查看完整分辨率 图 1.沙拉的地面平面图(左);第一层平面图(右上图)。图片(右下)显示的是 Chamba 一个典型的塔拉式建筑中的沙拉结构,前院有一个巴迪(badi)和图尔西维迪卡(tulsi vedika)。前廊的四根混凝土柱和入口台阶右侧的一个小型室外沐浴区是最近添加的。草图绘制于 2014 年 9 月,是新德里规划与建筑学院工作室项目的一部分。资料来源:Sakriti VishwakSakriti Vishwakarma。 马尼什-查拉纳(Manish Chalana)和阿希玛-克里希纳(Ashima Krishna)的这本著作汇集了各种不同但互补的声音,代表了印度遗产保护的主要辩论和方向。该书的关键框架集中在保护领域不断变化的机构和理论规范上,尤其是与殖民地和政府巨头印度考古学会(ASI)制定的方法形成鲜明对比。遗产保护的机构格局不仅仅局限于印度考古学会,非政府组织印度国家艺术和文化遗产信托基金(INTACH)的不同历史和组织结构以及联合国教育、科学及文化组织(UNESCO)的全球任务和方向也塑造了这一格局。本书旨在通过介绍使遗产保护成为可能的无数机构支架,使这一机构格局复杂化。该书汇集了该领域从业人员的文章,介绍了后殖民时期印度遗产的新定义和新趋势,使遗产是什么以及遗产保护应该和确实是什么变得更加复杂。本书反对印度古迹研究所以古迹为中心的保护模式,将保护作为一种文本生产:清单、出版物、地位指定、远景规划,甚至是公共利益诉讼(PIL)。Chalana 和 Krishna 认为,在独立后时期,印度科学院狭隘而统一地执行 1923 年文件的规定,即保护手册,从而将后殖民时期的遗产塑造成一种考古学和官僚主义的努力。这两个方面--应用的统一性和手册的力量--对该领域产生了巨大的影响。考古学与文物研究所》的优势在于它对古迹和文物进行了全面的记录;然而,这也强化了它的缺陷。这种源于考古学的遗产文本和档案工作反过来将遗产或历史的构成局限于纪念性建筑,从而将保护模式和方法局限于物质过程。20 世纪 80 年代,随着印度经济的自由化,保护工作发生了变化,非政府组织 INTACH 进入了这一领域,挑战了 ASI 的主导地位,并提供了一种不同的保护方法。这种新方法不再以古迹为中心,而是将遗产分为三类:建筑遗产、自然遗产和非物质活遗产。如今,INTACH 也 [完 第 119 页] 是这一领域的巨头。本卷的核心问题是,鉴于 ASI 和 INTACH 交织在一起的遗产所产生的深远影响,保护工作如何才能既挑战这些模式,又在其后茁壮成长? 点击查看大图 查看完整分辨率 图 2.苏拉拉-莫霍拉(Surara Moholla)的阿克萨拉(ekshala)民居,图像左侧直角处为砖混结构的现代扩建部分。前景中的瓦砾是新扩建部分取代的已拆除的茅塔拉建筑的建筑材料。与废墟一起出现的还有镀锌屋顶板,它们正在迅速取代传统的木瓦屋顶。资料来源:Sakriti Vishwak资料来源:Sakriti Vishwakarma。 这本书的第一部分以两章开头,分别由在 ASI 和 INTACH 工作的保护专业人士撰写。这两章深入介绍了这两个知名机构,而第一部分的作用则是强调保护工作是以多种方式进行的--地方政府、市政当局、地方活动家以及其他国家和非国家行为者都发挥着重要作用。阿诗玛-克里希纳(Ashima Krishna)的第四章 "勒克瑙的遗产宣传工具 "对专业知识进行了批判--在机构机制稀缺的情况下,宣传者成为了代言人。克里希纳...
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