Fighting and writing during Zimbabwe's interregna: Part I–A morbid murder

David Moore
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Abstract

ABSTRACT:This article started out as a review essay reflecting on how three books (Kanyenze 2022; Mpofu 2021; and Fontein 2022) illustrate Zimbabwe's interregna influence on the scholarly pursuits of economics, political philosophy, and anthropology in that country. But a murder got in the way. Its interpretation by those representing Zimbabwe's two political poles as either an assassination or quotidian horror inspired further investigation within the ambit of the 'morbid symptoms' of the interregna only subtly suggested by the academic books ready for review. The brutal killing of a single mother in Zimbabwe's biggest township became indelibly imbued with political competition and thus provided what I had planned to be an illustrative introduction to the review article. However, Moreblessing Ali's death soon became more than that: my pursuit of the discursive conflict– and physical violence around it–became a micro-political example in itself of Zimbabwe's macabre interregna. That the case had not been officially resolved as the August 2023 election approached indicated its importance. The election took place as these words were heading to press. Yet another suspect victory, this time of 52.6% for ZANU-PF's Emmerson Mnangagwa as president and 44% for Nelson Chamisa of the Citizens Coalition for Change, was announced on August 26 (Zimbabwe Electoral Commission 2023). Thus, the Moreblessing Ali murder has become a good proportion of Part I of a two-part series. The start of this paper presents a thumbnail outline of Zimbabwe's current political and economic situation–a conjuncture of sorts. Theoretical arguments on 'interregna' follow. The last section pursues the ideologies and politics of Moreblessing Ali's political death. Part II will include the review article, further theoretical considerations of Zimbabwe's interregna, and how August's election fits in with these discussions.
津巴布韦地区间战争期间的战斗与写作:第一部分--病态谋杀
ABSTRACT: 本文最初是一篇评论文章,反映了三本书(Kanyenze 2022 年;Mpofu 2021 年;Fontein 2022 年)如何说明津巴布韦对该国经济学、政治哲学和人类学学术追求的跨区域影响。但一桩谋杀案阻碍了这一进程。代表津巴布韦政治两极的人士将这起谋杀案解释为暗杀或普通的恐怖事件,这激发了人们在区域间 "病态症状 "的范围内进行进一步的调查,而这些病态症状只是在准备审查的学术书籍中微妙地提出来的。在津巴布韦最大的乡镇,一位单身母亲惨遭杀害的事件与政治竞争有着不可分割的联系,因此我原计划将其作为评论文章的引言。然而,莫雷布赖辛-阿里之死很快就变得不仅如此:我对话语冲突和围绕话语冲突的身体暴力的追踪,本身就成为津巴布韦可怕的地区间政治的一个微观例子。随着 2023 年 8 月选举的临近,此案仍未得到正式解决,这表明了它的重要性。就在这些文字即将付梓之时,选举举行了。8 月 26 日,选举结果揭晓,津巴布韦非洲民族联盟-爱国阵线(ZANU-PF)的埃默森-姆南加古瓦(Emmerson Mnangagwa)以 52.6% 的胜率当选总统,公民变革联盟(Citizens Coalition for Change)的纳尔逊-查米萨(Nelson Chamisa)以 44% 的胜率当选(津巴布韦选举委员会,2023 年)。因此,莫雷布赖辛-阿里谋杀案在两部分系列文章的第一部分中占据了相当大的比重。本文的开头简要介绍了津巴布韦当前的政治和经济形势--某种程度上说是一个转折点。随后是关于 "interregna "的理论论证。最后一部分探讨了莫雷布赖辛-阿里政治死亡的意识形态和政治。第二部分将包括评论文章、对津巴布韦 "interregna "的进一步理论思考,以及八月份的选举与这些讨论的关系。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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