{"title":"Long-Term Effect of Online and Offline Repressions on Post-Electoral Protest Participants’ Number (Cross-National Empirical Study)","authors":"V.E. Belenkov","doi":"10.30570/2078-5089-2024-112-1-164-186","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Although the relationship between state coercive measures and protests has long been studied in Political Science, there are a number of gaps in the modern research studies about the impact of repressions on street protest activity. A serious flaw in these studies is their focus on the influence of repressions on the existing protest campaigns, with little attention to their long-term implications. The impact of repressions on the scale of protest and number of protesters, as well as the role of the Internet as a factor mediating the impact of state sanctions on protests, is understudied. The article attempts to bridge these gaps. The author has first examined theoretical arguments in support of three possible forms of correlation between the severity of repressions and street protest activity — negative, positive, and parabolic (n-shaped), after which he tests relevant hypotheses on a sample of country cases that share the same trigger for protest — suspicions of electoral fraud. To test these hypotheses, the author utilized data on the maximum strength of repressions against civil society organizations, participants in protests and authors of anti-government messages on the Internet in the pre-electoral years, as well as data on protests in the first week following the elections. The study confirmed the influence of repressions on future protest activity. At the same time, the relationship between the severity of repressions and the number of protest participants in the long term has a quadratic n-shaped form: at low and high levels of repression, the number of protesters is minimal, at medium — it is maximal. As for the impact of the Internet, it was not detected on data on repression in the offline environment, but it was revealed on data on the strength of sanctions for political activity on the Web: if the share of Internet users in a country is low, repressions decrease the number of protest participants; if it is high, repressions of medium strength correspond to the maximum number of protesters.","PeriodicalId":508002,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia","volume":"4 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2024-02-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"The Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2024-112-1-164-186","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
Although the relationship between state coercive measures and protests has long been studied in Political Science, there are a number of gaps in the modern research studies about the impact of repressions on street protest activity. A serious flaw in these studies is their focus on the influence of repressions on the existing protest campaigns, with little attention to their long-term implications. The impact of repressions on the scale of protest and number of protesters, as well as the role of the Internet as a factor mediating the impact of state sanctions on protests, is understudied. The article attempts to bridge these gaps. The author has first examined theoretical arguments in support of three possible forms of correlation between the severity of repressions and street protest activity — negative, positive, and parabolic (n-shaped), after which he tests relevant hypotheses on a sample of country cases that share the same trigger for protest — suspicions of electoral fraud. To test these hypotheses, the author utilized data on the maximum strength of repressions against civil society organizations, participants in protests and authors of anti-government messages on the Internet in the pre-electoral years, as well as data on protests in the first week following the elections. The study confirmed the influence of repressions on future protest activity. At the same time, the relationship between the severity of repressions and the number of protest participants in the long term has a quadratic n-shaped form: at low and high levels of repression, the number of protesters is minimal, at medium — it is maximal. As for the impact of the Internet, it was not detected on data on repression in the offline environment, but it was revealed on data on the strength of sanctions for political activity on the Web: if the share of Internet users in a country is low, repressions decrease the number of protest participants; if it is high, repressions of medium strength correspond to the maximum number of protesters.
尽管政治学界长期以来一直在研究国家强制措施与抗议活动之间的关系,但关于镇压对街头抗议活动的影响的现代研究却存在许多空白。这些研究的一个严重缺陷是只关注镇压对现有抗议活动的影响,而很少关注其长期影响。镇压对抗议活动规模和抗议者人数的影响,以及互联网作为国家制裁对抗议活动影响的中介因素所起的作用,都未得到充分研究。本文试图弥补这些不足。作者首先研究了支持镇压严重程度与街头抗议活动之间可能存在的三种相关形式--负相关、正相关和抛物线型(n 型)--的理论论据,然后对具有相同抗议触发因素--怀疑选举舞弊--的国家案例样本进行了相关假设检验。为了验证这些假设,作者利用了选举前几年针对民间社会组织、抗议活动参与者和互联网上反政府信息作者的最大镇压力度数据,以及选举后第一周的抗议活动数据。研究证实了镇压对未来抗议活动的影响。同时,镇压的严重程度与抗议活动参与者人数之间的长期关系呈二次 n 型:镇压程度低和高时,抗议者人数最少,镇压程度中等时,抗议者人数最多。至于互联网的影响,离线环境下的镇压数据并未发现这一影响,但网络上政治活动的制裁力度数据却揭示了这一点:如果一个国家的互联网用户比例较低,镇压就会减少抗议参与者的数量;如果比例较高,中等强度的镇压就会使抗议者的数量达到最大。