Introduction: Citizenship, Participation and Community Action in Colombia's Post-Peace Accord Security Landscape

IF 0.8 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES
Dáire McGill
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One example of this is the state promotion of heavy-handed coca eradication policies, notably during the 2018–2022 Duque government, that consider neither the vulnerabilities nor the rural political economies that motivate people to grow coca. State actions that ignore, or even exacerbate, people's security concerns end up causing frustration and resentment, particularly among already marginalised communities. The sense of disconnection thereby generated between citizens and the government threatens to undermine the progress made in reducing the harms caused by armed conflict in Colombia.</p><p>This special section features a range of analytical approaches to the study of citizen security, community action and participation, highlighting how state-centred perspectives often overlook the sociospatial dynamics that increase the risk of marginalisation and insecurity. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

Colombia has experienced numerous peace initiatives in recent decades, most notably the 2016 Peace Accords between the Government of Colombia and the largest insurgent group the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP, Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People's Army). Despite these multilevel initiatives, the security panorama in Colombia continues to be characterised by instability. Reductive understandings of security and the lack of widespread citizen participation have stymied peacebuilding efforts and led to policy responses that are often not in accordance with societal needs. One example of this is the state promotion of heavy-handed coca eradication policies, notably during the 2018–2022 Duque government, that consider neither the vulnerabilities nor the rural political economies that motivate people to grow coca. State actions that ignore, or even exacerbate, people's security concerns end up causing frustration and resentment, particularly among already marginalised communities. The sense of disconnection thereby generated between citizens and the government threatens to undermine the progress made in reducing the harms caused by armed conflict in Colombia.

This special section features a range of analytical approaches to the study of citizen security, community action and participation, highlighting how state-centred perspectives often overlook the sociospatial dynamics that increase the risk of marginalisation and insecurity. The genesis of this Special Section is the constructive conversations held in a series of Cross-Stakeholder Forums in 2019 featuring participants from the Colombian state, international organisations, academia, professional civil society and grassroots communities. The Cross-Stakeholder Forums were organised by Pembroke College Oxford's CONPEACE (from Conflict Actors to Architects of Peace) Programme thanks to funding from Global Affairs Canada's Peace and Stabilisation Operations Program with the objective of analysing ongoing challenges to peace and security in the aftermath of the Peace Accords.

The opening article by Dáire McGill, Jan Boesten, Annette Idler and Oscar Palma sets out a conceptual framework on marginalisation and insecurity in Colombia using citizen security as an analytical lens to explore the relationship between constrained citizenship, marginalisation and violence. Tracing historical and contemporary patterns of geographic, sociocultural, political and economic marginalisation reveals the violence inherent in the processes of economic accumulation, human settlement and state creation. The article further highlights the de-marginalising potential of some recent processes, arguing that realising such potential will depend on their levels of community participation and inclusiveness. Drawing on fieldwork in Colombia's Northern Cesar Department and a series of Cross-Stakeholder Forums in 2019, this article centres the perspectives of those experiencing marginalisation to better understand and conceptualise the challenges of citizenship during transitions from armed conflict to sustainable peace. It is hoped that this enhanced understanding of the intersecting processes that make particular regions, groups, communities and individuals prone to insecurity can improve peacebuilding initiatives and build more equitable societies.

The second article by Magali Alba-Niño focusses on the role of communities in maintaining and strengthening social fabric and resisting the control of armed actors in the Colombian Catatumbo, a marginalised region with geostrategic importance, great natural wealth and high rates of inequality, violence and unsatisfied basic needs. Drawing on thinkers such as Fals Borda, Mancinas and Lefebvre, Alba-Niño argues that the ‘Community of Catatumbo’ is a collective subject constituted by diverse social groups such as indigenous peoples, peasants, organisations and social movements. This Community vindicates itself through human rights and social justice framings amid oppression and exclusion, in addition to constructing social fabric through (a) the creation of strong social bonds, (b) the importance of space to construct collective social identification among a heterogeneous population and (c) agreements to create associative spaces that can defend the territory from the sphere of armed violence. The article concludes by showing how the painstaking construction of social fabric creates a viable opportunity for peace and revolutionary change – nevertheless, structural dynamics ensure that such transformation requires the ongoing commitment of other social actors from academia, organised civil society and state institutions.

In the final article, Inge Helena Valencia, Cristian Castaño and David Alonso Silva-Ojeda's in-depth study of two municipalities in ‘Alto Patía and Norte del Cauca’ in south-western Colombia illustrates the strengths and limitations of the Peace Accords' Programas de Desarrollo con Enfoque Territorial (PDET, Development Programmes with a Territorial Focus). PDETs were conceived as a key tool to overcome Colombia's territorially unequal institutional configuration, consolidate citizen coexistence relations and strengthen the institutional state apparatus in territories historically affected by war in which different forms of rebel governance exist alongside areas of effective state presence. This would be done by supporting peasant economies and decreasing urban–rural inequalities through rural development plans created in democratic participatory processes that themselves recognise, respect and strengthen community agency and popular citizenship. By doing so, PDET would improve upon past experiences of territorial organisation that entailed the imposition of centralist perspectives on marginalised regions. The article acknowledges the excellent level of community participation in the initial consultations and the construction of the Regional Transformation Action Plan while highlighting serious reservations about the exclusion of local peasant agency in implementation and governance. For the authors, this reflects a failure by the state to engage constructively with existing forms of popular agency, especially where these have become strong governance actors through their roles as local interlocutors of de-facto rebel governors. Recognising the social value of these organisations would allow the articulation of a multi-scalar relationship between the national and the local that makes PDETs more likely to fulfil their potential as instruments of territorial peace and the reconstruction of state-society relationships.

Running through all articles is the sense that the 2016 peace accord between the Government of Colombia and FARC-EP has presented the state with an opportunity to fulfil historic debts to its citizens in a manner that improves the security panorama and strengthens incipient processes of de-marginalistion. To ensure a more peaceful and equitable future, it is incumbent upon all social actors to ensure these debts are paid and that marginalised communities are facilitated to exercise full citizenship and agency.

The authors declare no conflicts of interest.

导言:和平协议》签署后哥伦比亚安全形势中的公民身份、参与和社区行动
在最后一篇文章中,Inge Helena Valencia、Cristian Castaño 和 David Alonso Silva-Ojeda 对哥伦比亚西南部 "Alto Patía 和 Norte del Cauca "的两个城市进行了深入研究,说明了《和平协定》的 "领土发展计划"(PDET,以领土为重点的发展计划)的优势和局限性。根据设想,PDETs 是克服哥伦比亚领土不平等体制结构、巩固公民共存关系、加强历史上受战争影响地区的国家机构体制的重要工具,在这些地区,除了有效的国家存在之外,还存在不同形式的反叛治理。为此,将通过在民主参与进程中制定的农村发展计划,支持农民经济,减少城乡不平等现象,这些计划本身承认、尊重并加强社区机构和民众的公民意识。通过这样做,PDET 将改进过去将中央集权观点强加于边缘化地区的领土组织经验。文章肯定了社区在初步磋商和《地区转型行动计划》制定过程中的出色参与程度,同时强调了对在实施和治理过程中排斥当地农民机构的严重保留意见。在作者看来,这反映出国家未能与现有形式的民众机构进行建设性接触,尤其是在这些机构通过作为事实上的叛军总督的地方对话者而成为强有力的治理参与者的情况下。认识到这些组织的社会价值,就能在国家和地方之间建立一种多层次的关系,从而使人民民主和选举委员会更有可能发挥其作为领土和平和重建国家与社会关系的工具的潜力。所有文章都认为,2016 年哥伦比亚政府与哥伦比亚革命武装力量--人民军之间的和平协议为国家提供了一个机会,使其能够以改善安全全景和加强萌芽中的去边缘化进程的方式履行对其公民的历史性债务。为确保未来更加和平与公平,所有社会参与者都有责任确保偿还这些债务,并促进边缘化社区充分行使公民权和代理权。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
2.20
自引率
11.10%
发文量
88
期刊介绍: The Bulletin of Latin American Research publishes original research of current interest on Latin America, the Caribbean, inter-American relations and the Latin American Diaspora from all academic disciplines within the social sciences, history and cultural studies. In addition to research articles, the journal also includes a Debates section, which carries "state-of-the-art" reviews of work on particular topics by leading scholars in the field. The Bulletin also publishes a substantial section of book reviews, aiming to cover publications in English, Spanish and Portuguese, both recent works and classics of the past revisited.
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