Convicting Politicians for Corruption: The Politics of Criminal Accountability

Luciano Da Ros, Manoel Gehrke
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Abstract

Why are politicians more likely to be prosecuted and convicted for corruption in some contexts rather than in others? Pulling together disparate threads of the literature on what we call the politics of criminal accountability, this review organizes current explanations along three levels of inquiry: (1) micro, encompassing characteristics of individual criminal-accountability agents and defendants, such as their partisanship and ideology, professional ethos, enforcement costs and judicial corruption; (2) meso, emphasizing the independence, capacities and coordination degrees of criminal-accountability institutions; and (3) macro, including the impact of political regimes, political competition, support from civil society, corruption levels and international norms. In doing so, we draw attention to methodological shortcomings and opportunities for research on the topic, providing a roadmap for this field of inquiry that also includes unexplored questions and tentative answers. Furthermore, we present new systematic data set that reveals a substantial increase in the conviction of former heads of government for corruption since 2000, underscoring the importance of the phenomenon and highlighting the need for further research into the politics of criminal accountability.
给腐败政客定罪:追究刑事责任的政治学
为什么政治家在某些情况下比在其他情况下更有可能因腐败而被起诉和定罪?本综述汇集了关于我们所称的刑事问责政治的各种文献,从三个层面对当前的解释进行了梳理:(1)微观,包括刑事问责机构和被告个人的特征,如党派和意识形态、职业道德、执法成本和司法腐败;(2)中观,强调刑事问责机构的独立性、能力和协调程度;(3)宏观,包括政治制度、政治竞争、公民社会的支持、腐败程度和国际规范的影响。在此过程中,我们提请注意研究方法上的不足以及该主题的研究机会,为这一研究领域提供了路线图,其中还包括尚未探索的问题和初步答案。此外,我们提出了新的系统数据集,揭示了自 2000 年以来前政府首脑因腐败而被定罪的案例大幅增加,强调了这一现象的重要性,并突出了进一步研究刑事问责政治的必要性。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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