"We Belong to the Land!": Revisiting Black Oklahoma

IF 0.1 4区 历史学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY
Kalenda Eaton
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The state, situated in what is pejoratively known as “flyover country,” has commanded wide-ranging national and international attention for its uncanny ability to remain at the forefront of historical studies, political debates, and contemporary popular culture. Yet, among the list of politicians, performers, and movie producers using Oklahoma as a platform for their own agendas are those residents who have worked to preserve the sanctity of the state and its communities.</p> <p>Much of the recent attention misses the fact that since the mid-nineteenth century, Oklahoma has been one of the most politically important places in the United States. Nearly every part of modern American history found its way into Indian Territory and later Oklahoma. From the forced relocation of Indigenous and African-descended people to the territory, the Civil War battle fought at Honey Springs, decades of migration and westward expansion, the railroad and oil industries, the rise of white supremacist organizations, economic depression and agricultural devastation, residential redlining, civil rights and social action, school desegregation, Supreme Court nominations, domestic terrorism, tribal sovereignty, and more, the progress of the nation can be measured by what happens in Oklahoma. And, African Americans have been embedded in these stories from the beginning.</p> <p>The idea for Lincoln territory mapped out in 1867 and the state of Sequoyah proposed in 1905 tells us that for many, the fate of Oklahoma pre-statehood was always rooted in Black and Indigenous autonomy. In the 1890s, lawyer and politician Edward P. McCabe attempted to convince all who would listen not only that African Americans in Oklahoma and Indian Territory needed equal rights but also that a portion of the newly formed “Twin Territories” should be the foundation for an all-Black state. McCabe’s position was based on the decades-long presence of African-descended people in the territories and the recent consistent flow of African Americans moving into the region <strong>[End Page vii]</strong> from the American South. For Black people, the promise of early Oklahoma consisted of the ancestral tie to the land for some, the economic practicality of homesteading for others, and the possibility of freedom and progress for all.</p> <p>History tells us that the journey for African Americans in Oklahoma has been uneven, but still wholly American. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

  • We Belong to the Land!”Revisiting Black Oklahoma
  • Kalenda Eaton, Guest Editor

This special issue is devoted to undertold stories about Black experience in Oklahoma. The contributions reflect the resilience and determination of people tied to the land and its history. Over the past few years, the state of Oklahoma has experienced a renaissance among cultural historians, sociologists, politicians, entertainers, and community activists. The state, situated in what is pejoratively known as “flyover country,” has commanded wide-ranging national and international attention for its uncanny ability to remain at the forefront of historical studies, political debates, and contemporary popular culture. Yet, among the list of politicians, performers, and movie producers using Oklahoma as a platform for their own agendas are those residents who have worked to preserve the sanctity of the state and its communities.

Much of the recent attention misses the fact that since the mid-nineteenth century, Oklahoma has been one of the most politically important places in the United States. Nearly every part of modern American history found its way into Indian Territory and later Oklahoma. From the forced relocation of Indigenous and African-descended people to the territory, the Civil War battle fought at Honey Springs, decades of migration and westward expansion, the railroad and oil industries, the rise of white supremacist organizations, economic depression and agricultural devastation, residential redlining, civil rights and social action, school desegregation, Supreme Court nominations, domestic terrorism, tribal sovereignty, and more, the progress of the nation can be measured by what happens in Oklahoma. And, African Americans have been embedded in these stories from the beginning.

The idea for Lincoln territory mapped out in 1867 and the state of Sequoyah proposed in 1905 tells us that for many, the fate of Oklahoma pre-statehood was always rooted in Black and Indigenous autonomy. In the 1890s, lawyer and politician Edward P. McCabe attempted to convince all who would listen not only that African Americans in Oklahoma and Indian Territory needed equal rights but also that a portion of the newly formed “Twin Territories” should be the foundation for an all-Black state. McCabe’s position was based on the decades-long presence of African-descended people in the territories and the recent consistent flow of African Americans moving into the region [End Page vii] from the American South. For Black people, the promise of early Oklahoma consisted of the ancestral tie to the land for some, the economic practicality of homesteading for others, and the possibility of freedom and progress for all.

History tells us that the journey for African Americans in Oklahoma has been uneven, but still wholly American. In 2021 the world watched as Tulsa, Oklahoma, commemorated the centennial of one of the more economically devastating and deadly race-based massacres against African Americans in the United States. Leading up to the anniversary, many also watched fiction and reality collide when the possibility of reparations and reconciliation for Black Tulsans was front and center in limited television series like Watchmen and Lovecraft Country. The revived discussions about Oklahoma’s past buoyed the multiracial activism present after the deaths of Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, and George Floyd. Cities and states, overall, were forced to acknowledge “forgotten” violence enacted upon communities of color. More recently, the world watched again as the remaining survivors of the Tulsa Race Massacre, who are each over one hundred years old, were denied the opportunity of a trial jury or compensation for their trauma. Yet even with the necessary focus on Tulsa, it must be understood the Black presence in Oklahoma is expansive, runs deep, and is centuries old.

The goal of this special issue is to start conversations about the less discussed experiences of people of African descent living in both territory and state. The issue includes five articles by scholars noted for their significant contributions to the story of Black Oklahomans. In “Freedom Settlements of Indian Territory and Three Freedmen Community Clusters,” Angela Walton-Raji draws from her expertise as a genealogist, educator, and descendant of Black Freedmen to discuss largely forgotten communities of Black people formerly enslaved by members of the five tribes removed to Indian Territory. Often known as “Indian Freedmen,” they...

"我们属于这片土地!":重访俄克拉荷马州黑人
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: "我们属于这片土地!"重访俄克拉荷马州黑人客座编辑卡伦达-伊顿(Kalenda Eaton)本特刊专门介绍俄克拉荷马州黑人经历的不为人知的故事。这些文章反映了与这片土地及其历史息息相关的人们的韧性和决心。在过去的几年里,俄克拉荷马州经历了文化历史学家、社会学家、政治家、演艺界人士和社区活动家的复兴。这个位于被贬义地称为 "天桥之国 "的州,以其在历史研究、政治辩论和当代流行文化中保持领先地位的超凡能力,赢得了国内和国际的广泛关注。然而,在那些利用俄克拉荷马州作为其自身议程平台的政治家、表演者和电影制片人名单中,也包括那些致力于维护该州及其社区神圣性的居民。最近的许多关注都忽略了这样一个事实,即自十九世纪中叶以来,俄克拉荷马州一直是美国政治上最重要的地方之一。美国现代史的几乎每一部分都曾进入印第安人领地和后来的俄克拉荷马州。从土著人和非洲裔人被迫迁移到该地区、南北战争在蜜泉(Honey Springs)的战斗、数十年的移民和西进扩张、铁路和石油工业、白人至上主义组织的兴起、经济萧条和农业破坏、住宅红线、民权和社会行动、学校取消种族隔离、最高法院提名、国内恐怖主义、部落主权等等,国家的进步都可以通过俄克拉荷马州发生的事情来衡量。而且,非裔美国人从一开始就与这些故事息息相关。1867 年规划的林肯领地和 1905 年提出的塞科亚州的构想告诉我们,对许多人来说,俄克拉荷马州建州前的命运始终根植于黑人和土著人的自治。19 世纪 90 年代,律师兼政治家爱德华-麦凯布(Edward P. McCabe)试图说服所有愿意倾听的人,他不仅认为俄克拉荷马州和印第安领地的非裔美国人需要平等的权利,而且认为新成立的 "双子领地 "的一部分应该成为全黑人州的基础。麦凯布的这一立场是基于非洲裔美国人在这些领土上长达数十年的存在,以及最近不断有非洲裔美国人从美国南方迁入该地区 [尾页 vii]。对于黑人来说,早期俄克拉荷马州的承诺包括:一些人祖祖辈辈与这片土地的联系、另一些人自耕农在经济上的实用性以及所有人获得自由和进步的可能性。历史告诉我们,非裔美国人在俄克拉荷马州的发展历程并不平坦,但仍然完全是美国式的。2021 年,在全世界的注视下,俄克拉荷马州塔尔萨市纪念了美国针对非裔美国人的一次更具经济破坏性和致命种族屠杀的百年纪念。在纪念活动之前,许多人还看到了虚构与现实的碰撞,《守望者》和《爱乐之乡》等有限的电视连续剧将塔尔萨黑人获得赔偿与和解的可能性放在了前沿和中心位置。关于俄克拉荷马州过去的讨论重新活跃起来,为阿马德-阿伯里(Ahmaud Arbery)、布莱娜-泰勒(Breonna Taylor)和乔治-弗洛伊德(George Floyd)死亡后出现的多种族行动主义注入了活力。总体而言,各城市和各州被迫承认对有色人种社区实施的 "被遗忘的 "暴力。最近,塔尔萨种族屠杀事件的幸存者(每个人都已年过百岁)被剥夺了接受陪审团审判的机会,也得不到对其创伤的赔偿,全世界再次目睹了这一事件。然而,即使有必要关注塔尔萨,我们也必须了解俄克拉荷马州黑人的存在是广阔的、深厚的,并且具有数百年的历史。本特刊的目的是就生活在该地区和该州的非洲人后裔鲜为人知的经历展开讨论。本期特刊包括五篇文章,作者均为对俄克拉荷马州黑人故事做出重大贡献的著名学者。在 "印第安领地的自由定居点和三个自由民社区集群 "一文中,Angela Walton-Raji 利用她作为家谱学家、教育家和黑人自由民后裔的专业知识,讨论了以前被迁往印第安领地的五个部落的成员奴役的黑人社区,这些社区在很大程度上已被遗忘。他们通常被称为 "印第安自由民"。
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来源期刊
Great Plains Quarterly
Great Plains Quarterly HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY-
CiteScore
0.10
自引率
0.00%
发文量
20
期刊介绍: In 1981, noted historian Frederick C. Luebke edited the first issue of Great Plains Quarterly. In his editorial introduction, he wrote The Center for Great Plains Studies has several purposes in publishing the Great Plains Quarterly. Its general purpose is to use this means to promote appreciation of the history and culture of the people of the Great Plains and to explore their contemporary social, economic, and political problems. The Center seeks further to stimulate research in the Great Plains region by providing a publishing outlet for scholars interested in the past, present, and future of the region."
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