Not an Outraged Generation: White Student Liberals and Limited Integration at the University of Texas at Austin, 1946–1960

IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY
John A. Moretta
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Moretta (bio) </li> </ul> <br/> Click for larger view<br/> View full resolution <p>Representatives from University of Texas student organizations listen to an unidentified man speak on the Marion Heman Sweatt case in November 1946. <em>ND-46-262-01, Neel Douglass Photography Collection, Austin History Center, Austin Public Library</em>.</p> <p></p> <p><strong>[End Page 242]</strong></p> <p>I<small>n early</small> 1944, R<small>egent</small> O<small>rville</small> B<small>ullington defiantly declared</small> that \"there is not the slightest danger of any negro attending the University of Texas, regardless of what Franklin D, Eleanor, or the Supreme Court says, so long as you have a Board of Regents with as much intestinal fortitude as the present one.\"<sup>1</sup> At the same time that Bullington expressed such certainty to a colleague, some University of Texas (UT) students in Austin were expressing the opposite view, and they were just as unequivocal as Bullington in their belief that it was time for the university to live up to its mantra of being \"a university of the first class\" by opening its doors to all students on an equal basis, regardless of the color of their skin. As <em>Daily Texan</em> editor Bob Owens declared in 1943, \"If we are to win the peace, we must first erase all traces of fascism in this country. Our prejudices, our hatreds, our fascistic idea of racial superiority, must be forgotten if we are to build out of this war a nation 'of the people, by the <strong>[End Page 243]</strong> people, and for the people.' Freedom and democracy should be for all, regardless of race, color, or creed.\"<sup>2</sup></p> <p>Owens's powerful words were a preview of the postwar years on the Forty Acres, as was Bullington's intransigence. As the United States defeated fascism in Europe, some UT students continued the fight against racism at home. According to the <em>Daily Texan</em>, it was time \"for the South's largest university to become an example, a leader, in the cause for Negro equality. The success or failure of the University in this matter can raise to the highest pinnacles or plunge to the lowest depth the hopes and aspirations of the entire Negro population of the United States.\" As one student declared in 1946, \"I advocate opening the doors of every school and college of the University to any person, be he black, or white or bright purple,\" and in 1948 the <em>Daily Texan</em> \"put [its] position very plainly: Equality for the Negro Race Cannot be Deferred Forever … The printed text of our Constitution rings out against discrimination, and yet it is far from reality… the Negro should be granted full equality, or the Constitution amended. We think he should be given full equality.\" For UT's White civil rights supporters, segregation, and racism in general, had put American democracy, and the American creed, on trial on the world stage; if both were to remain credible, integration must occur or else \"our ideal is an empty platitude which we, with our petty fears and out little minds, will destroy.\"<sup>3</sup></p> <p>During the admission of Houston postal worker Marion Heman Sweatt to the university's law school in 1950, the acceptance of African Americans to its professional schools beginning in 1954, the admission of Black undergraduates in 1956, the controversy over Barbara Smith a year later, and the attempted integration of campus housing, athletics, and local businesses, increasing numbers of White students embraced the integration of the university and the city of Austin. However, beginning with the Sweatt case, and reaching a crescendo of race-baiting during the Smith controversy in 1957, a persistent, racist-driven backlash emerged in the UT community, not only among administrators, politicians, and alumni, but also many current students, all of whom wanted to keep UT a White university.</p> <p>In many respects, UT's White student support for integration and civil rights for African Americans in the postwar years reflected the expansion of the legacy of dissent and New Deal liberalism that first appeared on the Forty Acres during the 1930s. Indeed, UT became a rarity in the postwar years: a southern university with a historical...</p> </p>","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"119 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2000,"publicationDate":"2024-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2024.a918119","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

  • Not an Outraged Generation:White Student Liberals and Limited Integration at the University of Texas at Austin, 1946–1960
  • John A. Moretta (bio)

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Representatives from University of Texas student organizations listen to an unidentified man speak on the Marion Heman Sweatt case in November 1946. ND-46-262-01, Neel Douglass Photography Collection, Austin History Center, Austin Public Library.

[End Page 242]

In early 1944, Regent Orville Bullington defiantly declared that "there is not the slightest danger of any negro attending the University of Texas, regardless of what Franklin D, Eleanor, or the Supreme Court says, so long as you have a Board of Regents with as much intestinal fortitude as the present one."1 At the same time that Bullington expressed such certainty to a colleague, some University of Texas (UT) students in Austin were expressing the opposite view, and they were just as unequivocal as Bullington in their belief that it was time for the university to live up to its mantra of being "a university of the first class" by opening its doors to all students on an equal basis, regardless of the color of their skin. As Daily Texan editor Bob Owens declared in 1943, "If we are to win the peace, we must first erase all traces of fascism in this country. Our prejudices, our hatreds, our fascistic idea of racial superiority, must be forgotten if we are to build out of this war a nation 'of the people, by the [End Page 243] people, and for the people.' Freedom and democracy should be for all, regardless of race, color, or creed."2

Owens's powerful words were a preview of the postwar years on the Forty Acres, as was Bullington's intransigence. As the United States defeated fascism in Europe, some UT students continued the fight against racism at home. According to the Daily Texan, it was time "for the South's largest university to become an example, a leader, in the cause for Negro equality. The success or failure of the University in this matter can raise to the highest pinnacles or plunge to the lowest depth the hopes and aspirations of the entire Negro population of the United States." As one student declared in 1946, "I advocate opening the doors of every school and college of the University to any person, be he black, or white or bright purple," and in 1948 the Daily Texan "put [its] position very plainly: Equality for the Negro Race Cannot be Deferred Forever … The printed text of our Constitution rings out against discrimination, and yet it is far from reality… the Negro should be granted full equality, or the Constitution amended. We think he should be given full equality." For UT's White civil rights supporters, segregation, and racism in general, had put American democracy, and the American creed, on trial on the world stage; if both were to remain credible, integration must occur or else "our ideal is an empty platitude which we, with our petty fears and out little minds, will destroy."3

During the admission of Houston postal worker Marion Heman Sweatt to the university's law school in 1950, the acceptance of African Americans to its professional schools beginning in 1954, the admission of Black undergraduates in 1956, the controversy over Barbara Smith a year later, and the attempted integration of campus housing, athletics, and local businesses, increasing numbers of White students embraced the integration of the university and the city of Austin. However, beginning with the Sweatt case, and reaching a crescendo of race-baiting during the Smith controversy in 1957, a persistent, racist-driven backlash emerged in the UT community, not only among administrators, politicians, and alumni, but also many current students, all of whom wanted to keep UT a White university.

In many respects, UT's White student support for integration and civil rights for African Americans in the postwar years reflected the expansion of the legacy of dissent and New Deal liberalism that first appeared on the Forty Acres during the 1930s. Indeed, UT became a rarity in the postwar years: a southern university with a historical...

不是愤怒的一代:白人学生自由派与德克萨斯大学奥斯汀分校的有限融合,1946-1960 年
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: Not an Outraged Generation:White Student Liberals and Limited Integration at the University of Texas at Austin, 1946-1960 John A. Moretta (bio) 点击查看大图 查看完整分辨率 1946 年 11 月,德克萨斯大学学生组织的代表聆听一位身份不明的男子就 Marion Heman Sweatt 案件发表的演讲。ND-46-262-01,Neel Douglass 摄影作品集,奥斯汀历史中心,奥斯汀公共图书馆。 [1944 年初,执政官奥维尔-布林顿(Orville Bullington)轻蔑地宣称:"无论富兰克林-埃莉诺(Franklin D. Eleanor)或最高法院怎么说,只要你们的执政官委员会像现在这样坚忍不拔,就不会有任何黑人进入德克萨斯大学的丝毫危险。"1就在布林顿向同事表达这种肯定的同时,奥斯汀的一些德克萨斯大学(UT)学生却表达了相反的观点,他们和布林顿一样明确地认为,现在是时候了,大学应该实现其 "一流大学 "的口号,不分肤色,平等地向所有学生敞开大门。正如《德克萨斯日报》编辑鲍勃-欧文斯(Bob Owens)在 1943 年所宣称的那样:"如果我们要赢得和平,就必须首先消除法西斯主义在这个国家的一切痕迹。如果我们要在这场战争中建立一个'民有、民治、民享'的国家,就必须忘记我们的偏见、我们的仇恨、我们法西斯主义的种族优越思想。自由和民主应该是所有人的,不分种族、肤色或信仰。"2 欧文斯铿锵有力的话语预示着战后四十英亩土地上的岁月,正如布林顿的顽固不化一样。当美国在欧洲打败法西斯主义时,UT 的一些学生继续在国内与种族主义作斗争。据《德克萨斯人日报》报道,现在是 "南方最大的大学成为黑人平等事业的榜样和领导者的时候了"。大学在这一问题上的成败可以将美国全体黑人的希望和愿望提升到最高峰,也可以将其跌落到最低谷"。正如一名学生在 1946 年宣称的那样:"我主张大学的每所学校和学院都向任何人敞开大门,无论他是黑人、白人还是亮紫色的人。"1948 年,《德克萨斯人日报》"非常清楚地表明了自己的立场:黑人种族的平等不能被永远推迟......我们宪法的印刷文本大声疾呼反对歧视,但这与现实相去甚远......黑人应该获得完全的平等,或者修改宪法。我们认为应该给予他完全的平等"。对于UT的白人民权支持者来说,种族隔离和整个种族主义使美国的民主和美国的信条在世界舞台上受到了考验;如果两者都要保持可信度,就必须实现融合,否则 "我们的理想就是一个空洞的陈词滥调,我们将用我们琐碎的恐惧和狭隘的头脑摧毁它"。"3 1950 年,休斯顿邮政工人马里恩-希曼-斯威特(Marion Heman Sweatt)被该校法学院录取;1954 年,该校专业学院开始招收非裔美国人;1956 年,该校开始招收黑人本科生;一年后,芭芭拉-史密斯(Barbara Smith)一案引发争议;校园住房、体育运动和当地商业也试图实现一体化。然而,从斯维亚特事件开始,到1957年史密斯风波期间种族诱导达到顶峰,UT社区出现了一种持续的、由种族主义驱动的反弹,不仅在行政人员、政治家和校友中,而且在许多在校学生中也出现了这种反弹,他们都希望保持UT是一所白人大学。从许多方面来看,战后UT白人学生支持非裔美国人的融合和民权,反映了20世纪30年代首次出现在40英亩土地上的异议和新政自由主义遗产的扩展。事实上,UT 在战后成为了一所罕见的南方大学:拥有历史悠久的...
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来源期刊
CiteScore
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期刊介绍: The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, continuously published since 1897, is the premier source of scholarly information about the history of Texas and the Southwest. The first 100 volumes of the Quarterly, more than 57,000 pages, are now available Online with searchable Tables of Contents.
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