{"title":"Pensiero e retropensiero. Limiti e legittimità della critica antisionista al vaglio della Corte Europea dei Diritti dell’Uomo","authors":"Matteo Corsalini","doi":"10.54103/1971-8543/22278","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"\n \nThought and counter-thought. The limits and legitimacy of Israel-critical speech under the European Court of Human Rights \nABSTRACT: In May 2016, the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) adopted a working definition of antisemitism as a non-binding guide for states and policymakers to identify criminal anti-Jewish behaviour. Critics, however, argue that the IHRA definition hastily conflates illegitimate forms of antisemitism with legitimate political speech against Israel's government and policies. Therefore, if integrated into national legislation, they warn that the IHRA definition could easily become a legal tool to stifle critics of the Israeli government and advocates for Palestinian rights. Political agendas apart, the terminological imprecision of the IHRA definition raises timely questions about the boundaries between antisemitism and anti-Zionism, as well as between legitimate and illegitimate Israel-critical speech. This is especially relevant, particularly after Palestinian militant group Ḥamās launched a surprise attack against Israel on October 7, 2023. The ongoing war thus raises the questions: Apart from open calls to violence, how to assess when legitimate, anti-Israel speech might spiral into illegitimate, harmful discourses? And what factors should be brought to bear on legal balancing? Although not dealing with a war-torn scenario, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has offered some insights on the issue that will be addressed in this paper. \nSOMMARIO: 1. Introduzione - 2. Legittimità della critica antisionista: Baldassi c. Francia - 3. Limiti della critica antisionista: status pubblico del divulgatore e natura antisemita della divulgazione - 3.1. Bonnet c. Francia - 4. Conclusioni. \n \n","PeriodicalId":516304,"journal":{"name":"Stato, Chiese e pluralismo confessionale","volume":"20 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2024-01-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Stato, Chiese e pluralismo confessionale","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.54103/1971-8543/22278","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract
Thought and counter-thought. The limits and legitimacy of Israel-critical speech under the European Court of Human Rights
ABSTRACT: In May 2016, the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) adopted a working definition of antisemitism as a non-binding guide for states and policymakers to identify criminal anti-Jewish behaviour. Critics, however, argue that the IHRA definition hastily conflates illegitimate forms of antisemitism with legitimate political speech against Israel's government and policies. Therefore, if integrated into national legislation, they warn that the IHRA definition could easily become a legal tool to stifle critics of the Israeli government and advocates for Palestinian rights. Political agendas apart, the terminological imprecision of the IHRA definition raises timely questions about the boundaries between antisemitism and anti-Zionism, as well as between legitimate and illegitimate Israel-critical speech. This is especially relevant, particularly after Palestinian militant group Ḥamās launched a surprise attack against Israel on October 7, 2023. The ongoing war thus raises the questions: Apart from open calls to violence, how to assess when legitimate, anti-Israel speech might spiral into illegitimate, harmful discourses? And what factors should be brought to bear on legal balancing? Although not dealing with a war-torn scenario, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has offered some insights on the issue that will be addressed in this paper.
SOMMARIO: 1. Introduzione - 2. Legittimità della critica antisionista: Baldassi c. Francia - 3. Limiti della critica antisionista: status pubblico del divulgatore e natura antisemita della divulgazione - 3.1. Bonnet c. Francia - 4. Conclusioni.
思想与反思。欧洲人权法院下批判以色列言论的局限性与合法性 ABSTRACT: 2016年5月,国际大屠杀纪念联盟(IHRA)通过了反犹太主义的工作定义,作为国家和政策制定者识别反犹犯罪行为的非约束性指南。但批评者认为,国际反犹主义协会的定义草率地将非法形式的反犹太主义与反对以色列政府和政策的合法政治言论混为一谈。因此,他们警告说,如果被纳入国家立法,《国际人权标准》的定义很容易成为扼杀以色列政府批评者和巴勒斯坦权利倡导者的法律工具。除了政治目的之外,《国际人权报告》定义在术语上的不准确性也适时地提出了反犹太主义和反犹太复国主义之间的界限问题,以及合法和非法以色列批评言论之间的界限问题。这一点尤为重要,尤其是在巴勒斯坦激进组织Ḥamās 于 2023 年 10 月 7 日对以色列发动突然袭击之后。因此,正在进行的战争提出了一些问题:除了公开呼吁暴力之外,如何评估合法的反以色列言论何时会演变成非法的有害言论?法律平衡应考虑哪些因素?欧洲人权法院(ECtHR)虽然不涉及战火纷飞的场景,但对本文将要讨论的问题提出了一些见解。SOMMARIO: 1.Introduzione - 2. Legittimità della critica antisionista:Baldassi c. Francia - 3.Limiti della critica antisionista: status pubblico del divulgatore e natura antisemita della divulgazione - 3.1.Bonnet c. Francia - 4.Conclusioni.