Escaping the Education Trap

IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY
William D. Goldsmith
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Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2021. 400 pp. Photos, illustrations, appendices, notes, and index. $29.95. <p>“America’s Choice: High Skills or Low Wages!” That was the exclamatory question put to policymakers as the 1990s dawned, the title of a report from an illustrious group of politicians, academics, educators, labor leaders, and business executives who had joined forces as the Commission on the Skills of the American Workforce. The report’s framing was not narrowly focused on how investing in education would promote economic growth or productivity—it pitched more and better education as a way to raise pay for average workers, lower poverty, and equalize income distribution. Bill Clinton incorporated the message on the 1992 campaign trail, and several committee members joined his presidential administration.</p> <p>The “America’s Choice” report was one of many published in the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s that preached what W. Norton Grubb and Marvin Lazerson skeptically dubbed the “education gospel,” this emphasis that better schools would mean a better economy for everyone, that more credentials would lead to higher wages, that college for all would create economic security for all.<sup>1</sup> In retrospect, it is far from clear that America did face a choice between high skills and low wages, then or since. The education gospel treated the construction of the global economy as beyond policymakers’ control, ignoring the roles of trade policy, labor policy, and tax policy in hollowing out the middle class, enriching a narrow economic elite, and driving a further wage <strong>[End Page 244]</strong> wedge between those with and without bachelor’s degrees. Jason Resnikoff’s <em>Labor’s End: How the Promise of Automation Degraded Work</em> (2021) dissects how postwar policymakers employed the concept of “automation” to speed up, intensify, and degrade work, underscoring how rarely the “skills gap” diagnosis captured the economic facts of life in the 20<sup>th</sup>-century U.S. And yet, in contrast to the 1990s free market zealots, “America’s Choice” at least acknowledged that economic inequality was getting worse and that government should do something about it.</p> <p>It is hardly surprising that Bill Clinton would vigorously promote a solution that turned out to be conceptually half-baked. What is remarkable retrospectively is that such wide-ranging representatives could come to consensus around this “high skills or low wages” framing. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

  • Escaping the Education Trap
  • William D. Goldsmith (bio)
Cristina Viviana Groeger, The Education Trap: Schools and the Remaking of Inequality in Boston. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2021. 384 pp. Illustrations, map, notes, and index. $36.00. Daniel S. Moak, From the New Deal to the War on Schools: Race, Inequality, and the Rise of the Punitive Education State. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022. xiv + 326 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $34.95. Elizabeth Tandy Shermer, Indentured Students: How Government-Guaranteed Loans Left Generations Drowning in College Debt. Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2021. 400 pp. Photos, illustrations, appendices, notes, and index. $29.95.

“America’s Choice: High Skills or Low Wages!” That was the exclamatory question put to policymakers as the 1990s dawned, the title of a report from an illustrious group of politicians, academics, educators, labor leaders, and business executives who had joined forces as the Commission on the Skills of the American Workforce. The report’s framing was not narrowly focused on how investing in education would promote economic growth or productivity—it pitched more and better education as a way to raise pay for average workers, lower poverty, and equalize income distribution. Bill Clinton incorporated the message on the 1992 campaign trail, and several committee members joined his presidential administration.

The “America’s Choice” report was one of many published in the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s that preached what W. Norton Grubb and Marvin Lazerson skeptically dubbed the “education gospel,” this emphasis that better schools would mean a better economy for everyone, that more credentials would lead to higher wages, that college for all would create economic security for all.1 In retrospect, it is far from clear that America did face a choice between high skills and low wages, then or since. The education gospel treated the construction of the global economy as beyond policymakers’ control, ignoring the roles of trade policy, labor policy, and tax policy in hollowing out the middle class, enriching a narrow economic elite, and driving a further wage [End Page 244] wedge between those with and without bachelor’s degrees. Jason Resnikoff’s Labor’s End: How the Promise of Automation Degraded Work (2021) dissects how postwar policymakers employed the concept of “automation” to speed up, intensify, and degrade work, underscoring how rarely the “skills gap” diagnosis captured the economic facts of life in the 20th-century U.S. And yet, in contrast to the 1990s free market zealots, “America’s Choice” at least acknowledged that economic inequality was getting worse and that government should do something about it.

It is hardly surprising that Bill Clinton would vigorously promote a solution that turned out to be conceptually half-baked. What is remarkable retrospectively is that such wide-ranging representatives could come to consensus around this “high skills or low wages” framing. The 23 members of the commission included the president of the United Auto Workers, the head of the National Urban League, a vice president from Ford Motors, and the former secretaries of labor under both Reagan and Carter. How could so many divergent interest groups and policymakers narrow their scope to education and training as the centerpiece of equitable economic policy?

A growing number of scholars are trying to make sense of why liberal policymakers dealt so poorly with growing economic inequality in the period after 1980 that Gary Gerstle dubs the “neoliberal order.” While Gerstle’s The Rise and Fall of the Neoliberal Order: America and the World in the Free Market Era (2022) sees an intertwined project with strands from the left and right to maximize markets that Reagan started and Clinton consolidated, Lily Geismer’s Left Behind: The Democrats Failed Attempt to Solve Inequality (2022) focuses on how the Clintons—drawing on ideas circulating through the Democratic Leadership Council—chased economic equality through market-based tools of credit expansion, tax-incentivized empowerment zones, and support for budding entrepreneurs. Brent Cebul’s Illusions of Progress: Business, Poverty, and Liberalism in the American Century (2023) posits a longer continuity in the way that the federal government since the New Deal has leaned on local business elites to conduct economic development through public-private...

摆脱教育陷阱
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: 逃离教育陷阱》,威廉-D-戈德史密斯(简历),克里斯蒂娜-维维安娜-格罗格,《教育陷阱:波士顿的学校与不平等重塑》。剑桥:哈佛大学出版社,2021 年。384 pp.插图、地图、注释和索引。$36.00.Daniel S. Moak, From the New Deal to the War on Schools:种族、不平等和惩罚性教育国家的崛起》。Chapel Hill:Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022.xiv + 326 pp.注释、参考书目和索引。$34.95.Elizabeth Tandy Shermer, Indentured Students:How Government-Guaranteed Loans Left Generations Drowning in College Debt.剑桥:哈佛大学出版社贝尔纳普出版社,2021 年。400 pp.照片、插图、附录、注释和索引。$29.95."美国的选择:高技能还是低工资!"这是在 20 世纪 90 年代初向政策制定者提出的感叹式问题,也是由政治家、学者、教育家、劳工领袖和企业高管组成的杰出团体联合成立的美国劳动力技能委员会的一份报告的标题。该报告的框架并非狭隘地聚焦于投资教育如何促进经济增长或生产力,而是将更多更好的教育作为提高普通工人薪酬、减少贫困和实现收入分配平等的途径。比尔-克林顿(Bill Clinton)在 1992 年的竞选活动中传达了这一信息,委员会的几位成员也加入了他的总统政府。美国的选择 "报告是 20 世纪 80 年代、90 年代和 2000 年代出版的众多宣扬 "教育福音 "的报告之一,诺顿-格拉布(W. Norton Grubb)和马文-拉泽森(Marvin Lazerson)对此持怀疑态度。教育福音将全球经济的构建视为政策制定者无法控制的,忽视了贸易政策、劳工政策和税收政策在掏空中产阶级、使狭隘的经济精英富裕起来以及进一步拉大拥有和没有学士学位的人之间的工资 [完 244 页] 差距方面所起的作用。杰森-雷斯尼克夫(Jason Resnikoff)的《劳动的终结:自动化的承诺如何使工作退化》(Labor's End: How the Promise of Automation Degraded Work,2021 年)剖析了战后政策制定者如何利用 "自动化 "这一概念来加速、强化和退化工作,强调了 "技能差距 "这一诊断在 20 世纪美国的经济生活事实中是多么罕见。比尔-克林顿会大力推广一个在概念上半生不熟的解决方案,这一点也不足为奇。现在回过头来看,难能可贵的是,如此广泛的代表能够围绕 "高技能或低工资 "这一框架达成共识。委员会的 23 名成员包括美国汽车工人联合会(United Auto Workers)主席、全国城市联盟(National Urban League)负责人、福特汽车公司副总裁以及里根和卡特时期的前劳工部长。这么多不同的利益集团和政策制定者怎么会把范围缩小到以教育和培训作为公平经济政策的核心呢?越来越多的学者正试图弄清为什么自由派政策制定者在 1980 年之后的时期内处理日益加剧的经济不平等问题的能力如此之差,加里-格斯特尔(Gary Gerstle)将这一时期称为 "新自由主义秩序"。Gerstle的《新自由主义秩序的兴衰》(The Rise and Fall of the Neoliberal Order:自由市场时代的美国与世界》(2022 年)认为,里根开创、克林顿巩固的市场最大化计划左右两派相互交织,而莉莉-盖斯默的《被抛在后面》(Left Behind:莉莉-盖斯默(Lily Geismer)的《被抛在后面:民主党解决不平等问题的失败尝试》(Left Behind: The Democrats Failed Attempt to Solve Inequality)(2022 年)着重介绍了克林顿夫妇如何借鉴民主党领导委员会中流传的观点,通过信贷扩张、税收激励赋权区和支持新兴企业家等市场化手段来实现经济平等。布伦特-塞布尔(Brent Cebul)的《进步的幻想》(Illusions of Progress:美国世纪的商业、贫困和自由主义》(2023 年)认为,自新政以来,联邦政府通过公私合营的方式依靠地方商业精英来发展经济,这种方式具有较长的连续性。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.10
自引率
0.00%
发文量
14
期刊介绍: Reviews in American History provides an effective means for scholars and students of American history to stay up to date in their discipline. Each issue presents in-depth reviews of over thirty of the newest books in American history. Retrospective essays examining landmark works by major historians are also regularly featured. The journal covers all areas of American history including economics, military history, women in history, law, political history and philosophy, religion, social history, intellectual history, and cultural history. Readers can expect continued coverage of both traditional and new subjects of American history, always blending the recognition of recent developments with the ongoing importance of the core matter of the field.
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