Liberal Technocrats and the Economic Ideology of Efficiency

IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY
Laura Phillips-Sawyer
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Democratic policies, Elizabeth Popp Berman explains, no longer embody the core values and aspirations of New Deal and Great Society programs—”political claims grounded in values of rights, universalism, equity, and limiting corporate power” (p. 4). Those noneconomic values once motivated and sustained progressive policies in social policy, antitrust law, and social regulation of health, safety, and the environment. Today, however, Democratic policymaking embraces a traditionally Republican focus on “leveraging choice, competition, incentives, and the power of markets in the pursuit of outcomes that would be not just effective, but efficient” (p. 2). This embrace, she argues, has redefined what constitutes “good policy (p. 6)” and constricted the “very horizons of possibility (p. 3)” for contemporary American progressives.</p> <p>Berman argues that “liberal technocrats”—professionally trained public servants who identified with a centrist Democratic Party—brought postwar neoclassical economics’ obsession with efficiency into government. Beginning in the 1960s, systems analysts and industrial organization (IO) economists deployed an economic style of reasoning as a politically-neutral tool to “rationalize” bureaucratic decision-making processes and economic regulation. Elite economics departments initially developed the core tenets and basic presumptions of neoclassical economics, but this way of thinking through real-world problems quickly spread to law schools, public administration programs, and especially think-tanks. A feedback loop formed that reinforced the trend. Eventually, those liberal technocrats—not right-wing conservative or libertarian pundits—elevated efficiency (broadly defined) as the core principle of policy analysis. Through the ubiquity of cost-benefit analysis, efficiency displaced other values, such as universal access, democratic participation, or decentralized economic power. By the 1980s, where many stories of “neoliberalism” <strong>[End Page 262]</strong> and deregulation begin, Democratic policymaking had already been captured by economists’ understanding of efficiency.</p> <p>So, what does it mean to think like an economist? Do all economists think alike? Here, Berman sets her book apart by focusing on postwar neoclassical <em>micro</em>economics, rather than <em>macro</em>economics. Macroeconomics is concerned with national-level fiscal, monetary, and trade policies. Microeconomics, on the other hand, is about the decisions of individuals, households, and firms participating in market exchanges. In the late 1940s, the economist Paul Samuelson established a “newly consolidated microeconomic story” (p. 37). with his seminal undergraduate and graduate textbooks. For Samuelson, decision-making must always be made under some constraints, such as scarce resources, and the goal of the economist is to quantify and analyze how those choices affect an efficient allocation of resources. That analysis is based on a series of presumptions: that individuals are rational and profit-maximizing, that resources are scarce, and that market competition produces the most efficient allocation of those scarce resources. Using those presumptions, microeconomic models simplify and quantify costs and benefits to produce reliable estimates of price and cost curves and thus, efficiency gains or losses. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

  • Liberal Technocrats and the Economic Ideology of Efficiency
  • Laura Phillips-Sawyer (bio)
Elizabeth Popp Berman, Thinking like an Economist: How Efficiency Replaced Equality in U.S. Public Policy. Princeton University Press, 2022. x + 334 pp. Notes, bibliography, index. $37.00

Thinking like an Economist opens with a familiar lament: that liberal Democratic presidents have lost their progressive edge. Democratic policies, Elizabeth Popp Berman explains, no longer embody the core values and aspirations of New Deal and Great Society programs—”political claims grounded in values of rights, universalism, equity, and limiting corporate power” (p. 4). Those noneconomic values once motivated and sustained progressive policies in social policy, antitrust law, and social regulation of health, safety, and the environment. Today, however, Democratic policymaking embraces a traditionally Republican focus on “leveraging choice, competition, incentives, and the power of markets in the pursuit of outcomes that would be not just effective, but efficient” (p. 2). This embrace, she argues, has redefined what constitutes “good policy (p. 6)” and constricted the “very horizons of possibility (p. 3)” for contemporary American progressives.

Berman argues that “liberal technocrats”—professionally trained public servants who identified with a centrist Democratic Party—brought postwar neoclassical economics’ obsession with efficiency into government. Beginning in the 1960s, systems analysts and industrial organization (IO) economists deployed an economic style of reasoning as a politically-neutral tool to “rationalize” bureaucratic decision-making processes and economic regulation. Elite economics departments initially developed the core tenets and basic presumptions of neoclassical economics, but this way of thinking through real-world problems quickly spread to law schools, public administration programs, and especially think-tanks. A feedback loop formed that reinforced the trend. Eventually, those liberal technocrats—not right-wing conservative or libertarian pundits—elevated efficiency (broadly defined) as the core principle of policy analysis. Through the ubiquity of cost-benefit analysis, efficiency displaced other values, such as universal access, democratic participation, or decentralized economic power. By the 1980s, where many stories of “neoliberalism” [End Page 262] and deregulation begin, Democratic policymaking had already been captured by economists’ understanding of efficiency.

So, what does it mean to think like an economist? Do all economists think alike? Here, Berman sets her book apart by focusing on postwar neoclassical microeconomics, rather than macroeconomics. Macroeconomics is concerned with national-level fiscal, monetary, and trade policies. Microeconomics, on the other hand, is about the decisions of individuals, households, and firms participating in market exchanges. In the late 1940s, the economist Paul Samuelson established a “newly consolidated microeconomic story” (p. 37). with his seminal undergraduate and graduate textbooks. For Samuelson, decision-making must always be made under some constraints, such as scarce resources, and the goal of the economist is to quantify and analyze how those choices affect an efficient allocation of resources. That analysis is based on a series of presumptions: that individuals are rational and profit-maximizing, that resources are scarce, and that market competition produces the most efficient allocation of those scarce resources. Using those presumptions, microeconomic models simplify and quantify costs and benefits to produce reliable estimates of price and cost curves and thus, efficiency gains or losses. The problem is that because those models are always and by design simplifications of a more complex reality, their continual study and repeated use can ingrain a restrictive approach to analyzing problems, an approach Berman characterizes as “unrepentantly utilitarian and consequentialist” (p. 39).

Berman organizes Thinking like an Economist around two groups of “liberal technocrats” who came to Washington armed with this new economic thinking and ready to rationalize government (not tear it down). First, systems analysts from the RAND Corporation reoriented the internal, administrative processes at the Department of Defense. They were concerned with improving “How to Make Government Decisions” (Chapter 3). They prescribed new systems to measure cost-effectiveness, and their interventions would ultimately reorient how social policies would be assessed and executed. Second, industrial organization economists reframed “How to Govern Markets” (Chapter 4). They focused mainly on antitrust law and policy, but their efforts spilled over into other areas of economic regulation, such as the deregulation of airline and trucking industries. Those two groups of academics-cum-policymakers, and the reforms they pursued, frame the remaining...

自由派技术官僚与效率经济意识形态
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: 自由派技术官僚与效率经济思想 Laura Phillips-Sawyer(简历) Elizabeth Popp Berman,《像经济学家一样思考》:How Efficiency Replaced Equality in U.S. Public Policy.普林斯顿大学出版社,2022 年。x + 334 pp.注释、参考书目、索引。37.00 美元 《像经济学家一样思考》以人们熟悉的感叹开篇:自由民主党总统失去了他们的进步优势。伊丽莎白-波普-伯曼(Elizabeth Popp Berman)解释说,民主党的政策不再体现新政和 "伟大社会 "计划的核心价值观和愿望--"以权利、普遍主义、公平和限制企业权力等价值观为基础的政治主张"(第 4 页)。这些非经济价值观曾一度激励并支撑着社会政策、反托拉斯法以及健康、安全和环境方面的社会监管等进步政策。然而今天,民主党的政策制定采用了共和党传统的重点,即 "利用选择、竞争、激励和市场的力量来追求不仅有效而且高效的结果"(第 2 页)。她认为,这种支持重新定义了什么是 "好政策(第 6 页)",并限制了当代美国进步人士的 "可能性视野(第 3 页)"。伯尔曼认为,"自由派技术官僚"--受过专业训练、认同中间派民主党的公务员--将战后新古典经济学对效率的痴迷带入了政府。从 20 世纪 60 年代开始,系统分析师和产业组织(IO)经济学家将经济学推理风格作为政治中立的工具,使官僚决策过程和经济监管 "合理化"。精英经济学系最初发展了新古典经济学的核心信条和基本假设,但这种解决现实问题的思维方式很快蔓延到法学院、公共管理专业,尤其是智囊团。形成的反馈回路强化了这一趋势。最终,这些自由派技术官僚--而非右翼保守派或自由派学者--将效率(广义)提升为政策分析的核心原则。通过成本效益分析的普及,效率取代了其他价值,如普及、民主参与或经济权力下放。到了 20 世纪 80 年代,也就是许多关于 "新自由主义"[第 262 页] 和放松管制的故事开始的时候,民主党的决策已经被经济学家对效率的理解所掌控。那么,像经济学家那样思考意味着什么?所有经济学家的思维方式都一样吗?在此,伯尔曼将本书的重点放在了战后新古典微观经济学而非宏观经济学上,从而使本书与众不同。宏观经济学关注的是国家层面的财政、货币和贸易政策。微观经济学则关注参与市场交换的个人、家庭和企业的决策。20 世纪 40 年代末,经济学家保罗-萨缪尔森(Paul Samuelson)通过其开创性的本科生和研究生教科书,确立了 "新整合的微观经济学故事"(第 37 页)。在萨缪尔森看来,决策必须始终在某些限制条件(如稀缺资源)下进行,经济学家的目标是量化和分析这些选择如何影响资源的有效配置。这种分析基于一系列假定:个人是理性的、利润最大化的,资源是稀缺的,市场竞争会使这些稀缺资源得到最有效的配置。利用这些假定,微观经济模型对成本和收益进行简化和量化,从而得出价格和成本曲线的可靠估计,进而得出效率增益或损失。问题在于,由于这些模型总是对更为复杂的现实进行简化,而且是有意简化,因此对这些模型的不断研究和重复使用会使分析问题的方法根深蒂固,伯尔曼将这种方法称为 "不折不扣的功利主义和后果主义"(第 39 页)。伯尔曼围绕两组 "自由派技术官僚 "组织了《像经济学家一样思考》一书,这两组技术官僚带着新经济思想来到华盛顿,准备将政府合理化(而不是推翻它)。首先,兰德公司的系统分析师重新调整了国防部的内部行政流程。他们关注的是如何改进 "政府决策"(第 3 章)。他们规定了衡量成本效益的新系统,他们的干预最终将调整社会政策的评估和执行方式。其次,产业组织经济学家重新规划了 "如何治理市场"(第4章)。他们主要关注反托拉斯法和政策,但他们的努力也延伸到了其他经济监管领域,如放松对航空和卡车运输业的监管。
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来源期刊
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期刊介绍: Reviews in American History provides an effective means for scholars and students of American history to stay up to date in their discipline. Each issue presents in-depth reviews of over thirty of the newest books in American history. Retrospective essays examining landmark works by major historians are also regularly featured. The journal covers all areas of American history including economics, military history, women in history, law, political history and philosophy, religion, social history, intellectual history, and cultural history. Readers can expect continued coverage of both traditional and new subjects of American history, always blending the recognition of recent developments with the ongoing importance of the core matter of the field.
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