Tennyson

IF 0.1 3区 文学 0 POETRY
Linda K. Hughes
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Poets who invoked glory or patriotism while sitting snugly at home when British soldiers far from home faced inadequate supply chains, insufficient medical attendance, and officers’ blunders could invite condemnation. Yet realist representations of soldiers’ suffering in war could repel or distress prospective readers. Ho’s achievement, which builds on earlier studies by Stefanie Markovits and Trudi Tate, is to set these questions in a broad poetic as well as transmedial context that illuminates evolving traditions of war poetry as well as Tennyson’s own diction and perspectives. Ho claims the <strong>[End Page 407]</strong> status of double poems for much of what he examines, since Victorian war poetry presented “the armchair poet’s struggle to voice the unspeakable and to depict a war that was being reported in newspapers” while also incorporating “a socio-political critique that require[d] the reader to explore the dramatized speaker’s engagement with the conflict as an object of analysis” (p. 45).</p> <p>Ho sets the stage by examining the Tyrtaean tradition of war poetry, so named from Tyrtaeus, the Spartan warrior poet. Thomas Campbell’s translation of Tyrtaeus’s martial elegy opens, “How glorious fall the valiant, sword in hand, / In front of battle for their native land!” (p. 219). These lines are echoed, Ho suggests in chapter 5, in Tennyson’s monodrama, when the speaker describes Maud’s military ballad—an echo likely recognized by Tennyson’s readers. Newspaper poems by civilian poets Tom Taylor, Louisa Shore, and Tennyson shifted war poetry from Tyrtaean glory to soldiers’ suffering (Taylor), their bravery that left a civilian poet little to say by contrast (Shore, in a <em>Spectator</em> poem that first rhymed “thunder” and “wonder”), or soldiers’ suffering <em>and</em> bravery (Tennyson’s “Charge of the Light Brigade”). Civilian poets were inherently unable to accommodate roles of warrior-poets; hence, Tennyson subtly distanced his point of view from battle in “Charge” so that readers never see the soldiers, only their swords flashing in air (ll. 27–28), leaving civilians back home to “wonder.”</p> <p>Thomas Campbell’s “The Soldier’s Dream” (1804) was an alternative influence on Victorian war poetry. In it a sleeping sentinel dreams of his family back home only to awaken to the wounded and another prospect of death for himself. Crimean armchair poets appropriated this use of dream visions, which contextualized <em>Maud</em>, part III when the lately mad speaker dreams not of a family back home but of Maud tricked out in the accoutrements of war, raising questions of the war’s efficacy. War poems by Gerald Massey, Tom Taylor (e.g., “Balaklava”), and the intriguing radical poet Robert Brough criticized government oversight of war or civilian “patriotism” that enabled complacency tantamount to complicity in government mismanagement. Their work, too, formed a backdrop for the doubtful aspects of war and suggested potential critique in the Tennysonian madman’s enthusiasm for war.</p> <p><em>Sonnets on the War</em> by Alexander Smith and Sydney Dobell (1855) contextualized <em>Maud</em> differently. 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Abstract

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

  • Tennyson
  • Linda K. Hughes (bio)

No book-length study of Alfred Tennyson appeared during 2022, but The Crimean War in Victorian Poetry by Tai-Chun Ho (Peter Lang, 2021) offers sustained engagement with Tennyson’s poetry. This sociohistorical, intertextual literary study considers the troubled role of the noncombatant poet (or “armchair” poet) in an era of war correspondents, telegraphs, and mass print. Faced with current reports of Crimean troubles on one hand, Victorian poets faced on the other their legacy of war poetry, including the Iliad, that glorified war and heroism. Poets who invoked glory or patriotism while sitting snugly at home when British soldiers far from home faced inadequate supply chains, insufficient medical attendance, and officers’ blunders could invite condemnation. Yet realist representations of soldiers’ suffering in war could repel or distress prospective readers. Ho’s achievement, which builds on earlier studies by Stefanie Markovits and Trudi Tate, is to set these questions in a broad poetic as well as transmedial context that illuminates evolving traditions of war poetry as well as Tennyson’s own diction and perspectives. Ho claims the [End Page 407] status of double poems for much of what he examines, since Victorian war poetry presented “the armchair poet’s struggle to voice the unspeakable and to depict a war that was being reported in newspapers” while also incorporating “a socio-political critique that require[d] the reader to explore the dramatized speaker’s engagement with the conflict as an object of analysis” (p. 45).

Ho sets the stage by examining the Tyrtaean tradition of war poetry, so named from Tyrtaeus, the Spartan warrior poet. Thomas Campbell’s translation of Tyrtaeus’s martial elegy opens, “How glorious fall the valiant, sword in hand, / In front of battle for their native land!” (p. 219). These lines are echoed, Ho suggests in chapter 5, in Tennyson’s monodrama, when the speaker describes Maud’s military ballad—an echo likely recognized by Tennyson’s readers. Newspaper poems by civilian poets Tom Taylor, Louisa Shore, and Tennyson shifted war poetry from Tyrtaean glory to soldiers’ suffering (Taylor), their bravery that left a civilian poet little to say by contrast (Shore, in a Spectator poem that first rhymed “thunder” and “wonder”), or soldiers’ suffering and bravery (Tennyson’s “Charge of the Light Brigade”). Civilian poets were inherently unable to accommodate roles of warrior-poets; hence, Tennyson subtly distanced his point of view from battle in “Charge” so that readers never see the soldiers, only their swords flashing in air (ll. 27–28), leaving civilians back home to “wonder.”

Thomas Campbell’s “The Soldier’s Dream” (1804) was an alternative influence on Victorian war poetry. In it a sleeping sentinel dreams of his family back home only to awaken to the wounded and another prospect of death for himself. Crimean armchair poets appropriated this use of dream visions, which contextualized Maud, part III when the lately mad speaker dreams not of a family back home but of Maud tricked out in the accoutrements of war, raising questions of the war’s efficacy. War poems by Gerald Massey, Tom Taylor (e.g., “Balaklava”), and the intriguing radical poet Robert Brough criticized government oversight of war or civilian “patriotism” that enabled complacency tantamount to complicity in government mismanagement. Their work, too, formed a backdrop for the doubtful aspects of war and suggested potential critique in the Tennysonian madman’s enthusiasm for war.

Sonnets on the War by Alexander Smith and Sydney Dobell (1855) contextualized Maud differently. Dobell’s “Home” presented the stark reality of death when a young woman thinking of her lover is roughly juxtaposed to his body now serving as “carrion” to ravens (l. 14); and in “Wounded” an army surgeon must pass over one man’s now-limbless trunk to try saving the life of a widow’s son. In “War,” Smith’s speaker bluntly addresses a wife back home, “The husband from whose arms you could not part / Sleeps among hundreds [End Page 408] in a bloody pit” (ll. 1-2). Such circulating imagery, combined with war journalism, Ho suggests, meant that the “dreadful hollow” of Maud would have resonated with the circulating lexicon of war references (l. 1). Thus...

丁尼生
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: 丁尼生 琳达-K.-休斯(简历) 2022 年期间没有出现关于阿尔弗雷德-丁尼生的长篇研究,但何大椿(Tai-Chun Ho)所著的《维多利亚诗歌中的克里米亚战争》(彼得-朗,2021 年)对丁尼生的诗歌进行了持续的研究。这项社会历史、互文性的文学研究探讨了非战斗诗人(或 "扶手椅 "诗人)在战地记者、电报和大众印刷时代所扮演的麻烦角色。维多利亚时代的诗人一方面要面对当前有关克里米亚问题的报道,另一方面还要面对包括《伊利亚特》在内的战争诗歌的遗产,这些诗歌美化了战争和英雄主义。当远离家乡的英国士兵面临补给链不足、医疗服务不足和军官失误等问题时,诗人却安坐家中讴歌荣耀或爱国主义,这可能会招致谴责。然而,现实主义对战争中士兵苦难的描述可能会让潜在读者感到厌恶或痛苦。何氏在斯蒂芬妮-马尔科维茨(Stefanie Markovits)和特鲁迪-泰特(Trudi Tate)早期研究的基础上取得的成就是将这些问题置于一个广泛的诗歌和传播背景中,从而阐明了战争诗歌不断演变的传统以及丁尼生自己的修辞和观点。何氏认为他所研究的大部分内容都具有双重诗歌的 [尾页 407]地位,因为维多利亚时期的战争诗歌展现了 "诗人为表达难以言喻的情感和描绘报纸上正在报道的战争而进行的斗争",同时也包含了 "一种社会政治批判,要求读者将戏剧化的说话者与冲突的接触作为分析对象进行探讨"(第 45 页)。Ho 通过考察斯巴达战争诗人 Tyrtaeus 的 Tyrtaean 传统战争诗歌,为该诗歌奠定了基础。托马斯-坎贝尔(Thomas Campbell)翻译的泰尔泰乌斯的战争挽歌开篇写道:"手持利剑的勇士们,/在为祖国而战的前线,倒下了,多么光荣!"(第 219 页)。(p. 219).何氏在第 5 章中指出,在丁尼生的独角戏中,当说话者描述莫德的军谣时,这些诗句得到了呼应--丁尼生的读者很可能意识到了这种呼应。平民诗人汤姆-泰勒 (Tom Taylor)、路易莎-肖尔 (Louisa Shore) 和丁尼生 (Tennyson) 在报纸上发表的诗歌将战争诗歌的主题从泰尔泰人的荣耀转向士兵的苦难(泰勒),他们的勇敢让平民诗人无话可说(肖尔在一首《旁观者》诗歌中首次将 "雷霆 "和 "奇迹 "押韵),或者士兵的苦难和勇敢(丁尼生的《轻骑兵的冲锋》)。平民诗人天生无法适应战士诗人的角色;因此,丁尼生在《冲锋》中巧妙地将自己的视角与战斗拉开了距离,读者永远看不到士兵,只能看到他们的剑在空中闪烁(第 27-28 节),让家乡的平民 "惊叹"。托马斯-坎贝尔的《士兵之梦》(1804 年)对维多利亚战争诗歌产生了另一种影响。在这首诗中,一个熟睡的哨兵梦见自己的家人回家了,但醒来时却发现自己的家人已经受伤,而自己也将面临死亡。克里米亚扶手椅诗人借用了这一梦境,并将其融入《莫德》第三部的背景中,当时,近来疯疯癫癫的说话者梦见的不是家乡的家人,而是身着战争装备的莫德,这引发了人们对战争功效的质疑。杰拉尔德-梅西(Gerald Massey)、汤姆-泰勒(Tom Taylor)(如《巴拉克拉瓦》)和耐人寻味的激进派诗人罗伯特-布鲁(Robert Brough)的战争诗批评了政府对战争的监督或平民的 "爱国主义",这种 "爱国主义 "使人沾沾自喜,等同于政府管理不善的同谋。他们的作品也为战争的可疑之处提供了背景,并对丁尼生式的狂热战争提出了潜在的批评。亚历山大-史密斯(Alexander Smith)和悉尼-多贝尔(Sydney Dobell,1855 年)的《战争十四行诗》以不同的方式对莫德进行了背景描写。多贝尔的 "家 "展现了死亡的残酷现实,一位年轻女子思念着她的爱人,而他的尸体却成了乌鸦的 "腐肉"(第 14 节);在 "受伤 "中,一位军医必须穿过一个男人已经奄奄一息的躯干,以挽救一位寡妇儿子的生命。在 "战争 "中,史密斯的演讲者直截了当地对家中的妻子说:"你无法离开他怀抱的丈夫/正与数百人一起[第408页完]沉睡在血泊中"(第1-2节)。Ho 认为,这种流传的意象与战争新闻相结合,意味着莫德 "可怕的空洞 "会与流传的战争词汇产生共鸣(第 1 节)。因此
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.10
自引率
0.00%
发文量
7
期刊介绍: Founded in 1962 to further the aesthetic study of the poetry of the Victorian Period in Britain (1830–1914), Victorian Poetry publishes articles from a broad range of theoretical and critical angles, including but not confined to new historicism, feminism, and social and cultural issues. The journal has expanded its purview from the major figures of Victorian England (Tennyson, Browning, the Rossettis, etc.) to a wider compass of poets of all classes and gender identifications in nineteenth-century Britain and the Commonwealth. Victorian Poetry is edited by John B. Lamb and sponsored by the Department of English at West Virginia University.
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