Dimensional adjectives in Nuosu Yi

Xiao Li, Hongyong Liu
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Abstract

In this paper, we discuss two types of dimensional adjectives in Nuosu Yi (Tibeto-Burman), which we refer to as Positive adjectives (PAs) and Equative Adjectives (EAs). We show that PAs and EAs are subject to different distributions in gradation structures: EAs are only admissible in gradation structures that can be associated with measure phrases, which include differential comparatives (e.g., Ayi is 2 cm taller than Aguo.) and degree questions (e.g., How tall is Ayi?). PAs are licensed elsewhere, including comparatives that do not introduce a differential (e.g., Ayi is taller than Aguo.), the intensification construction (e.g., Ayi is very tall), the superlative construction (e.g., Ayi is the tallest), etc. Assuming that measure phrases are degree-denoting expressions, we propose that the complementary distribution of PAs and EAs in Nuosu Yi is due to their different semantics: PAs are context sensitive predicates that do not introduce a degree argument (of type <e, t>), while EAs are degree predicates (of type <d, <e, t>>).
《诺肃义》中的量纲形容词
本文讨论了诺苏彝语中的两类立体形容词,即肯定形容词(PAs)和等价形容词(EAs)。我们发现,pa和ea在级配结构中的分布是不同的:ea只在与测量短语相关的级配结构中被接受,这些短语包括差异比较词(例如,阿依比阿瓜高2厘米)和程度问题(例如,阿依有多高?)pa在其他地方获得许可,包括不引入差异的比较级(例如,Ayi比Aguo高),强化结构(例如,Ayi非常高),最高级结构(例如,Ayi是最高的),等等。假设度量短语是表示程度的表达式,我们认为诺素易中度量短语和度量短语的互补分布是由于它们的语义不同:度量短语是不引入程度参数的上下文敏感谓词(类型为<e, <e, <e;> >),而度量短语是程度谓词(类型为<d, <e, < >)。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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