{"title":"Dimensional adjectives in Nuosu Yi","authors":"Xiao Li, Hongyong Liu","doi":"10.1075/alal.21017.liu","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we discuss two types of dimensional adjectives in Nuosu Yi (Tibeto-Burman), which we refer to as Positive adjectives (PAs) and Equative Adjectives (EAs). We show that PAs and EAs are subject to different distributions in gradation structures: EAs are only admissible in gradation structures that can be associated with measure phrases, which include differential comparatives (e.g., Ayi is 2 cm taller than Aguo.) and degree questions (e.g., How tall is Ayi?). PAs are licensed elsewhere, including comparatives that do not introduce a differential (e.g., Ayi is taller than Aguo.), the intensification construction (e.g., Ayi is very tall), the superlative construction (e.g., Ayi is the tallest), etc. Assuming that measure phrases are degree-denoting expressions, we propose that the complementary distribution of PAs and EAs in Nuosu Yi is due to their different semantics: PAs are context sensitive predicates that do not introduce a degree argument (of type <e, t>), while EAs are degree predicates (of type <d, <e, t>>).","PeriodicalId":501292,"journal":{"name":"Asian Languages and Linguistics","volume":"126 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Asian Languages and Linguistics","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1075/alal.21017.liu","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
In this paper, we discuss two types of dimensional adjectives in Nuosu Yi (Tibeto-Burman), which we refer to as Positive adjectives (PAs) and Equative Adjectives (EAs). We show that PAs and EAs are subject to different distributions in gradation structures: EAs are only admissible in gradation structures that can be associated with measure phrases, which include differential comparatives (e.g., Ayi is 2 cm taller than Aguo.) and degree questions (e.g., How tall is Ayi?). PAs are licensed elsewhere, including comparatives that do not introduce a differential (e.g., Ayi is taller than Aguo.), the intensification construction (e.g., Ayi is very tall), the superlative construction (e.g., Ayi is the tallest), etc. Assuming that measure phrases are degree-denoting expressions, we propose that the complementary distribution of PAs and EAs in Nuosu Yi is due to their different semantics: PAs are context sensitive predicates that do not introduce a degree argument (of type <e, t>), while EAs are degree predicates (of type <d, <e, t>>).