{"title":"The Water-Energy-Food Nexus: Tracing Mexican American Environmental Concerns in María Amparo Ruiz de Burton's The Squatter and the Don","authors":"Anthony Gomez III","doi":"10.1353/wal.2023.a912272","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\n<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> The Water-Energy-Food Nexus<span>Tracing Mexican American Environmental Concerns in María Amparo Ruiz de Burton's <em>The Squatter and the Don</em></span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Anthony Gomez III (bio) </li> </ul> <h2>Introduction</h2> <p>When San Diego first received mountain water from the Cuyamaca Basin in 1889, government leaders celebrated and cheered for the expanded access to a water supply. No longer did the booming town's population have to depend on outmoded wells and dwindling reservoirs. To many, the moment represented a profound triumph and a chance for the city to develop, grow, and attract new residents. To Mexican author María Amparo Ruiz de Burton, however, news of the basin must have been cause for disappointment. Having long fantasized about establishing a reservoir and irrigation network of her own, the basin's success cemented an end to her ambitions to influence the government and better the economic situation of California's Mexican inhabitants. An unfortunate set of results was clear. Without power over the water, the Mexican population could not depend on their usual food supply, as their farmers were susceptible to a company and state that preferred to help and invest in Anglo farmers. Without the stable income from agriculture, there was no financing to lobby for their proposed railroad line. And without the pecuniary reward and trade benefit of a train line, there was no guarantee of future security for either food or water. The blue gold that disappeared from control proved a devastating blow to a Mexican-led infrastructure across the state.</p> <p>For a short moment in 1872, Ruiz de Burton's dream of bringing water to San Diego felt plausible (Sánchez and Pita 392). While geographer George Davidson of the University of California, Berkeley, <strong>[End Page 189]</strong> studied and assessed her plans, Ruiz de Burton waged a public campaign in <em>The San Diego Union</em> newspaper to persuade locals to her cause. Over the next decade, the author ventured to Capitol Hill, speaking before Congress to defend and assert the necessity of her visions for infrastructure (Crawford). Despite her efforts, political support and public morale were lacking. San Diego, known mostly for locals that were \"sin dinero y sin fe,\" did not seem worthy of investment from either state or federal channels (qtd. in Sánchez and Pita 392). Her plans, though revived for a brief spell in 1882, did not come to fruition (392). Worse yet, in the following decade San Diego would boom due to funding and capital given to Anglo individuals and corporations, many of which were created to resolve the same problems she discussed in her writings and speeches. San Diego would have a new reservoir in 1875 and the network to bring water from the Cuyamaca Basin would first be announced in 1885 (\"February 22, 1889\").</p> <p>It is perhaps no coincidence that in her 1885 novel, <em>The Squatter and the Don</em>, the Mexican hero Don Mariano Alamar longs for his people to expand the water supply and control it before others can. Like his creator, Don Mariano argues that with such power Mexican ranchers can secure the right to irrigate their preferred crops and acquire a railroad line that caters to their needs. Addressing cattlemen and agricultural workers, he also states, \"The water is in the sea now, for there we let it go every year; but if we were sensible, judicious men, we would not let it go to waste—we would save it\" (Ruiz de Burton 50). Don Mariano's plea functions as a lesson toward the conservation of one resource, and the need to consider each resource not as separate entities but as a unified set. Both here and in her life, Ruiz de Burton expressed an understanding of the interlinked relationship of water, food, and energy and its centrality to a community: in the absence of security around one resource, dominant and capitalistic systems tend to subvert access or future access to the others.</p> <p>In today's parlance, we might say what Ruiz de Burton intuitively understood and transformed into narrative is the water-energy-food (WEF) nexus. The World Economic Forum Initiative popularized the concept in their 2011 publication, <em>Water Security: The Water-Food-Energy-Climate Nexus</em>, which stated that...</p> </p>","PeriodicalId":23875,"journal":{"name":"Western American Literature","volume":"33 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2000,"publicationDate":"2023-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Western American Literature","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/wal.2023.a912272","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"LITERATURE, AMERICAN","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:
The Water-Energy-Food NexusTracing Mexican American Environmental Concerns in María Amparo Ruiz de Burton's The Squatter and the Don
Anthony Gomez III (bio)
Introduction
When San Diego first received mountain water from the Cuyamaca Basin in 1889, government leaders celebrated and cheered for the expanded access to a water supply. No longer did the booming town's population have to depend on outmoded wells and dwindling reservoirs. To many, the moment represented a profound triumph and a chance for the city to develop, grow, and attract new residents. To Mexican author María Amparo Ruiz de Burton, however, news of the basin must have been cause for disappointment. Having long fantasized about establishing a reservoir and irrigation network of her own, the basin's success cemented an end to her ambitions to influence the government and better the economic situation of California's Mexican inhabitants. An unfortunate set of results was clear. Without power over the water, the Mexican population could not depend on their usual food supply, as their farmers were susceptible to a company and state that preferred to help and invest in Anglo farmers. Without the stable income from agriculture, there was no financing to lobby for their proposed railroad line. And without the pecuniary reward and trade benefit of a train line, there was no guarantee of future security for either food or water. The blue gold that disappeared from control proved a devastating blow to a Mexican-led infrastructure across the state.
For a short moment in 1872, Ruiz de Burton's dream of bringing water to San Diego felt plausible (Sánchez and Pita 392). While geographer George Davidson of the University of California, Berkeley, [End Page 189] studied and assessed her plans, Ruiz de Burton waged a public campaign in The San Diego Union newspaper to persuade locals to her cause. Over the next decade, the author ventured to Capitol Hill, speaking before Congress to defend and assert the necessity of her visions for infrastructure (Crawford). Despite her efforts, political support and public morale were lacking. San Diego, known mostly for locals that were "sin dinero y sin fe," did not seem worthy of investment from either state or federal channels (qtd. in Sánchez and Pita 392). Her plans, though revived for a brief spell in 1882, did not come to fruition (392). Worse yet, in the following decade San Diego would boom due to funding and capital given to Anglo individuals and corporations, many of which were created to resolve the same problems she discussed in her writings and speeches. San Diego would have a new reservoir in 1875 and the network to bring water from the Cuyamaca Basin would first be announced in 1885 ("February 22, 1889").
It is perhaps no coincidence that in her 1885 novel, The Squatter and the Don, the Mexican hero Don Mariano Alamar longs for his people to expand the water supply and control it before others can. Like his creator, Don Mariano argues that with such power Mexican ranchers can secure the right to irrigate their preferred crops and acquire a railroad line that caters to their needs. Addressing cattlemen and agricultural workers, he also states, "The water is in the sea now, for there we let it go every year; but if we were sensible, judicious men, we would not let it go to waste—we would save it" (Ruiz de Burton 50). Don Mariano's plea functions as a lesson toward the conservation of one resource, and the need to consider each resource not as separate entities but as a unified set. Both here and in her life, Ruiz de Burton expressed an understanding of the interlinked relationship of water, food, and energy and its centrality to a community: in the absence of security around one resource, dominant and capitalistic systems tend to subvert access or future access to the others.
In today's parlance, we might say what Ruiz de Burton intuitively understood and transformed into narrative is the water-energy-food (WEF) nexus. The World Economic Forum Initiative popularized the concept in their 2011 publication, Water Security: The Water-Food-Energy-Climate Nexus, which stated that...
这里是内容的一个简短摘录,而不是摘要:María中Amparo Ruiz de Burton的《the Squatter and Don Anthony Gomez III》(传记)引言当圣地亚哥在1889年首次从Cuyamaca盆地获得山区用水时,政府领导人为扩大供水范围而庆祝和欢呼。这个蓬勃发展的城镇的人口不再依赖于陈旧的水井和日益减少的水库。对许多人来说,这一时刻代表着一个深刻的胜利,也是一个城市发展、成长和吸引新居民的机会。然而,对于墨西哥作家María Amparo Ruiz de Burton来说,盆地的消息一定是令人失望的。长期以来,她一直幻想着建立自己的水库和灌溉网络,盆地的成功使她影响政府、改善加州墨西哥居民经济状况的雄心壮志成为泡影。一系列不幸的结果是显而易见的。如果没有对水的控制权,墨西哥人就无法依靠他们通常的食物供应,因为他们的农民很容易受到公司和国家的影响,而这些公司和国家更愿意帮助和投资英国农民。没有稳定的农业收入,他们就没有资金为他们提议的铁路进行游说。如果没有铁路带来的金钱回报和贸易利益,就无法保证未来的食物和水的安全。从控制中消失的蓝黄金对墨西哥人主导的全州基础设施造成了毁灭性的打击。在1872年的一个短暂的时刻,Ruiz de Burton把水带到圣地亚哥的梦想似乎是可信的(Sánchez和Pita 392)。当加州大学伯克利分校的地理学家乔治·戴维森(George Davidson)研究并评估她的计划时,鲁伊斯·德·伯顿在《圣地亚哥联合报》(the San Diego Union)上发起了一场公众运动,说服当地人支持她的事业。在接下来的十年里,作者冒险前往国会山,在国会发表演讲,捍卫和主张她对基础设施的愿景的必要性(克劳福德)。尽管她做出了努力,但缺乏政治支持和公众士气。圣地亚哥以当地人“穷得要命”而闻名,似乎不值得州政府或联邦政府的投资。见Sánchez和Pita 392)。她的计划虽然在1882年有过短暂的恢复,但并没有实现(392)。更糟糕的是,在接下来的十年里,由于对盎格鲁个人和公司的资助和资本,圣地亚哥将蓬勃发展,其中许多都是为了解决她在著作和演讲中讨论的同样问题。圣地亚哥将在1875年有一个新的水库,从库亚马卡盆地引水的网络将于1885年首次宣布(“1889年2月22日”)。在她1885年的小说《霸占者与堂》(The Squatter and The Don)中,墨西哥英雄唐·马里亚诺·阿拉玛(Don Mariano Alamar)渴望他的人民在其他人之前扩大供水并控制它,这或许并非巧合。和他的创造者一样,唐·马里亚诺认为,有了这样的权力,墨西哥牧场主就可以确保灌溉他们喜欢的作物的权利,并获得一条满足他们需求的铁路线。他对牧牛者和农业工人说:“现在水在海里了,因为我们每年都让水往海里流;但如果我们是明智的、明智的人,我们就不会让它浪费掉——我们会拯救它”(Ruiz de Burton 50)。唐·马里亚诺的请求是对保护一种资源的一个教训,需要把每一种资源视为一个统一的集合,而不是单独的实体。无论是在这里还是在她的生活中,Ruiz de Burton都表达了对水、食物和能源的相互联系关系及其对社区的中心地位的理解:在一种资源缺乏安全的情况下,主导和资本主义系统往往会破坏对其他资源的获取或未来获取。用今天的说法,我们可能会说,鲁伊斯·德·伯顿凭直觉理解并转化为叙事的是水-能量-食物(WEF)的关系。世界经济论坛倡议组织在其2011年的出版物《水安全:水-食物-能源-气候关系》中推广了这一概念,该出版物指出……