{"title":"Commanding the faithful: the Kingdom of Morocco’s relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran","authors":"Annie Tracy Samuel","doi":"10.1080/13629387.2023.2258337","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis study analyses the Kingdom of Morocco’s relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran, focusing on Morocco’s decision to sever ties with Iran in 2009. It sheds light on the dynamics that drive Morocco’s foreign policy and highlights the importance of domestic political considerations in shaping foreign policy and the close connections in the view of the Moroccan regime between Islam and security. The assessment is driven by a critical and source-driven analysis of Moroccan policies and perspectives. It is based on evidence obtained during fieldwork conducted in Morocco, including in-person interviews with top Moroccan foreign-policy makers; on analysis of English, Arabic, and Persian primary sources, including news reports, official statements, and U.S. diplomatic cables; and on insights derived from the historical, empirical, and theoretical literature on subjects pertaining to foreign policy, Islam, and regime legitimacy. That examination reveals, and this study argues, that Morocco’s decision to rupture relations with Iran in 2009 and its foreign policy regarding Iran more broadly were driven by two key concerns: (1) Morocco’s position in relation to the prevailing strategic dynamics of the Middle East, particularly apprehension over Iran’s growing role in the region, the mobilisation of Arab monarchies into a coalition to counter Iranian influence, and the implications of a close alliance with the United States; and (2) the paramount goal of Morocco’s domestic policy, that of maintaining monarchical authority and legitimacy, and the king’s reliance on a particular interpretation of Islam and his role as Commander of the Faithful in pursuit thereof.KEYWORDS: MoroccoIranforeign policyIslamMiddle East AcknowledgementsThe author is grateful to the Arabic Language Institute in Fes, all those who were interviewed for this study, and Bruce Maddy-Weitzman for his feedback.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 An important exception is Fernández-Molina (Citation2016).2 One scholar (Zartman Citation1985, 97) has claimed that Islam is ‘absen[t]’ from and ‘unnecessary’ to both the conduct and understanding of Moroccan foreign policy. A notable exception in this regard is Hmimnat Citation2020.3 MFAC is now known as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, African Cooperation, and Moroccan Expatriets.4 Also spelled Kacem Mohamed Tajeddine and Qassim Mohammed Taj al-Din.5 See Cherkaoui Citation2018; Elatouabi Citation2018; Errazzouki Citation2018; Ghanmi Citation2018; Igrouane Citation2017; Jacobs Citation2019; Kasraoui Citation2018a; Koudelka and Sandby-Thomas Citation2018; Masiky Citation2018; Morocco World News Citation2017; Citation2018b; Mouzahem Citation2018; Zaireg Citation2018.6 Article 41 of the 2011 Morocco Constitution. For English translations see ‘Draft Text of the Constitution Adopted at the Referendum of 1 July 2011,’ trans. Jefri J. Ruchti, in World Constitutions Illustrated, ed. Jefri J. Ruchti (Buffalo, NY: William S. Hein, Citation2011). The 1996 constitution includes very similar language.7 See also Buskens Citation2010; Eickelman Citation1986; El-Katiri Citation2013; Howe Citation2005; Munson Citation1986; Sater Citation2007; Zeghal Citation2008; Zemni Citation2011; Zweiri and König Citation2008.8 Author Interviews with Mohamed Maliki, the Director for Asian and Oceanic Affairs at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of Morocco (Citation2015b), and with Mbarka Bouaida, the Minister Delegate to the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, conducted in person at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation in Rabat in July Citation2015c.9 For Maghraoui (Citation2009, 196), the breaking of relations with Iran, ‘[r]egardless of the objective basis and level[] of seriousness’ of the matter, ‘speak[s] very significantly to the importance that the Moroccan state accords to managing and having control over the religious field and the moral order in the country.’10 Author Interview with Ali Filali, Member of Istiqlal Party, in Fes, June Citation2015d.11 Author Interview with Nizar Messari, Associate Professor of International Affairs and Dean of the School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Al Akhawayn University, Ifrane, Morocco, conducted in person at Al Akhawayn University in June Citation2015a.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by The University of Tennessee at Chattanooga: [Faculty Research Grant, Access and Diversity Grant]; the Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa and the Moroccan-American Cultural Center: [Moroccan Studies Research Grant].","PeriodicalId":46182,"journal":{"name":"Journal of North African Studies","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8000,"publicationDate":"2023-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of North African Studies","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2258337","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"AREA STUDIES","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
ABSTRACTThis study analyses the Kingdom of Morocco’s relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran, focusing on Morocco’s decision to sever ties with Iran in 2009. It sheds light on the dynamics that drive Morocco’s foreign policy and highlights the importance of domestic political considerations in shaping foreign policy and the close connections in the view of the Moroccan regime between Islam and security. The assessment is driven by a critical and source-driven analysis of Moroccan policies and perspectives. It is based on evidence obtained during fieldwork conducted in Morocco, including in-person interviews with top Moroccan foreign-policy makers; on analysis of English, Arabic, and Persian primary sources, including news reports, official statements, and U.S. diplomatic cables; and on insights derived from the historical, empirical, and theoretical literature on subjects pertaining to foreign policy, Islam, and regime legitimacy. That examination reveals, and this study argues, that Morocco’s decision to rupture relations with Iran in 2009 and its foreign policy regarding Iran more broadly were driven by two key concerns: (1) Morocco’s position in relation to the prevailing strategic dynamics of the Middle East, particularly apprehension over Iran’s growing role in the region, the mobilisation of Arab monarchies into a coalition to counter Iranian influence, and the implications of a close alliance with the United States; and (2) the paramount goal of Morocco’s domestic policy, that of maintaining monarchical authority and legitimacy, and the king’s reliance on a particular interpretation of Islam and his role as Commander of the Faithful in pursuit thereof.KEYWORDS: MoroccoIranforeign policyIslamMiddle East AcknowledgementsThe author is grateful to the Arabic Language Institute in Fes, all those who were interviewed for this study, and Bruce Maddy-Weitzman for his feedback.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 An important exception is Fernández-Molina (Citation2016).2 One scholar (Zartman Citation1985, 97) has claimed that Islam is ‘absen[t]’ from and ‘unnecessary’ to both the conduct and understanding of Moroccan foreign policy. A notable exception in this regard is Hmimnat Citation2020.3 MFAC is now known as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, African Cooperation, and Moroccan Expatriets.4 Also spelled Kacem Mohamed Tajeddine and Qassim Mohammed Taj al-Din.5 See Cherkaoui Citation2018; Elatouabi Citation2018; Errazzouki Citation2018; Ghanmi Citation2018; Igrouane Citation2017; Jacobs Citation2019; Kasraoui Citation2018a; Koudelka and Sandby-Thomas Citation2018; Masiky Citation2018; Morocco World News Citation2017; Citation2018b; Mouzahem Citation2018; Zaireg Citation2018.6 Article 41 of the 2011 Morocco Constitution. For English translations see ‘Draft Text of the Constitution Adopted at the Referendum of 1 July 2011,’ trans. Jefri J. Ruchti, in World Constitutions Illustrated, ed. Jefri J. Ruchti (Buffalo, NY: William S. Hein, Citation2011). The 1996 constitution includes very similar language.7 See also Buskens Citation2010; Eickelman Citation1986; El-Katiri Citation2013; Howe Citation2005; Munson Citation1986; Sater Citation2007; Zeghal Citation2008; Zemni Citation2011; Zweiri and König Citation2008.8 Author Interviews with Mohamed Maliki, the Director for Asian and Oceanic Affairs at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of Morocco (Citation2015b), and with Mbarka Bouaida, the Minister Delegate to the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, conducted in person at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation in Rabat in July Citation2015c.9 For Maghraoui (Citation2009, 196), the breaking of relations with Iran, ‘[r]egardless of the objective basis and level[] of seriousness’ of the matter, ‘speak[s] very significantly to the importance that the Moroccan state accords to managing and having control over the religious field and the moral order in the country.’10 Author Interview with Ali Filali, Member of Istiqlal Party, in Fes, June Citation2015d.11 Author Interview with Nizar Messari, Associate Professor of International Affairs and Dean of the School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Al Akhawayn University, Ifrane, Morocco, conducted in person at Al Akhawayn University in June Citation2015a.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by The University of Tennessee at Chattanooga: [Faculty Research Grant, Access and Diversity Grant]; the Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa and the Moroccan-American Cultural Center: [Moroccan Studies Research Grant].
期刊介绍:
North Africa has rarely been treated as a cohesive area of study, even though historical and social links have always been strong, with most of its constituent countries having been part of the Ottoman empire. In part this has been because of its colonial past, with Egypt and Sudan having been under British control, Libya being first occupied by Italy, then administered by Britain and France; whilst the maghrib states of Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco and Mauritania belonged to the French colonial empire, with a Spanish presence in parts of Morocco and the Western Sahara. Today, however, the countries concerned increasingly share a common destiny.