Vedantic Hinduism in Colonial Bengal. Reformed Hinduism and Western Protestantism. By Victor A. van Bijlert

IF 0.1 0 RELIGION
Amiya P Sen
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

Two books that successively appeared in 2021 and have greatly held my interest are Ankur Barua’s The Brahma Samaj and its Vaishnava Milieus (Brill) and the work under review. They both represent intensive studies of the intellectual, cultural, and religious terrain of colonial Bengal through a creative fusion of the disciplines of history and religious studies. In this work, Bijlert’s thesis rests on two major arguments: First, that Vedanta constitutes the moral and intellectual backbone of reform Hinduism and second, that reform Hinduism also purposively reflects Christian Protestant forms of work and organisation. Prima facie, these are reasonable and convincing conclusions to offer. Rightly or wrongly, from Rammohun down to Radhakrishnan (with Tagore and Gandhi placed in between), Vedanta has come to be seen as the quintessential thought of India. But here also lies the catch. In effect, ‘Vedanta’ turns out to be only a somewhat convenient shorthand for a particular sub-school within Vedanta, that is, Advaita or non-dualist Vedanta, whereas in principle, it represents all sub-schools within Uttaramimamsa—which, between them, reveal significant doctrinal differences. Quite possibly, this obfuscating practice goes back to pre-modern India, but Rammohun arguably strengthened it in some ways. The Raja appears to have little knowledge of Vedantic thinkers other than Acharya Sankara and the dualist Madhva he unjustly denigrated by comparing him with Carvaka! To compound matters, Rammohun invariably refers to Upanishadic texts as ‘Vedas’. Herein lies a double confusion: First, the religious and philosophical conclusions of the Upanishads varied considerably from those of the Samhitas, Brahmanas and Aranyakas but more importantly, as would emerge from a perusal of Rammohun’s writings, he had simply no idea of these other textual components. Whereas his paramaguru, Sankara, had commented on as many as ten Upanishads, Rammohun chose to comment on only five, which, I suspect, was aimed at pushing specific theological or philosophical agendas, namely the rejection of image worship, polytheism, and sectarianism. Rammohun used religion rather instrumentally, investing it with certain uncharacteristic features like social utility. How else is one to explain his oft-quoted letter stating that religion ought to promote ‘political advantage and social comfort’.
孟加拉殖民地的吠陀印度教。改革后的印度教和西方新教。作者:Victor A. van Bijlert
2021年先后出版的两本书引起了我的极大兴趣,它们是安库尔·巴鲁亚的《梵天社》及其《外士那瓦环境》(Brill)和正在审查的作品。它们都是通过历史和宗教研究学科的创造性融合,对殖民孟加拉的知识、文化和宗教领域进行深入研究的代表。在这本书中,Bijlert的论点基于两个主要论点:第一,吠檀多构成了改革印度教的道德和知识支柱;第二,改革印度教也有意地反映了基督教新教的工作和组织形式。从表面上看,这些都是合理而令人信服的结论。不管是对是错,从拉莫洪到拉达克里希南(中间是泰戈尔和甘地),吠檀多已经被视为印度的精髓思想。但这里也有陷阱。实际上,“吠檀多”被证明只是吠檀多中一个特定子学派的某种方便的简写,即Advaita或非二元吠檀多,而原则上,它代表了uttaramimamsa中的所有子学派,它们之间揭示了重要的教义差异。很有可能,这种令人困惑的做法可以追溯到前现代印度,但Rammohun可以说在某些方面加强了它。王公似乎对吠陀思想家知之甚少,除了阿查里亚·商卡拉和二元论的中流婆,他不公正地将他与卡瓦卡相提并论!为了使事情更加复杂,拉莫亨总是把奥义书的文本称为“吠陀经”。这里存在着双重困惑:首先,《奥义书》的宗教和哲学结论与Samhitas、Brahmanas和Aranyakas的结论有很大不同,但更重要的是,正如细读Rammohun的作品所揭示的那样,他根本不知道这些其他文本成分。他的paramaguru商羯罗评论了多达十个奥义书,而Rammohun只评论了五个,我怀疑,这是为了推动特定的神学或哲学议程,即拒绝图像崇拜,多神论和宗派主义。拉莫洪把宗教当作一种工具,赋予它一些非典型的特征,比如社会效用。不然怎么解释他那封经常被引用的信呢?信中说宗教应该促进“政治优势和社会舒适”。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.50
自引率
0.00%
发文量
9
期刊介绍: The Journal of Hindu Studies is committed to a critical approach to Hindu Studies, focusing on themes that address overarching issues within the field, publishing the proceedings of research projects and conferences, and providing a forum for peer-reviewed articles. The journal aims to create a forum for constructive interdisciplinary discourse by linking the wider community of scholars in an exploration of key questions, through the lens of their own research.
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