Sociopolitical consequences of COVID‐19 in the Americas, Europe, and Asia: A multilevel, multicountry investigation of risk perceptions and support for antidemocratic practices

IF 4 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE
José J. Pizarro, Huseyin Cakal, Lander Méndez, Larraitz N. Zumeta, Marcela Gracia‐Leiva, Nekane Basabe, Ginés Navarro‐Carrillo, Ana‐Maria Cazan, Saeed Keshavarzi, Wilson López‐López, Illia Yahiiaiev, Carolina Alzugaray‐Ponce, Loreto Villagrán, Emilio Moyano‐Díaz, Nebojša Petrović, Anderson Mathias, Elza M. Techio, Anna Wlodarczyk, Laura Alfaro‐Beracoechea, Manuel L. Ibarra, Andreas Michael, Sumeet Mhaskar, Gonzalo Martínez‐Zelaya, Marian Bilbao, Gisela Delfino, Catarina L. Carvalho, Isabel R. Pinto, Falak Zehra Mohsin, Agustín Espinosa, Rosa María Cueto, Stefano Cavalli, Silvia da Costa, Alberto Amutio, Itziar Alonso‐Arbiol, Darío Páez
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Abstract

Abstract Although different social crises may eventually favor undemocratic and authoritarian forms of governance, at some point, such antidemocratic practices require the support of a significant part of the population to be implemented. The present research investigates how and whether the COVID‐19 pandemic might have favoured greater support for antidemocratic governmental practices, on the premise of regaining control and security. Using data from 17 countries ( N = 4364) and national‐level indicators (i.e., real number of contagions and deaths, and sociopolitical indicators), we test how the risk of contagion and death from COVID‐19, along with personal orientations (i.e., social dominance orientation [SDO], right‐wing authoritarianism [RWA], and perceived anomie) motivate authoritarian and antidemocratic practices. Results from multilevel models indicate that risk perception and perceptions of political instability predict a wish for stronger leadership, agreement with martial law, and support for a controlling government especially when SDO and RWA are high, while more egalitarian and less conservative people agree less with these authoritarian measures in spite of the levels of risk perception. We discuss the implications for these findings for future research on similar but also dissimilar external events (natural disasters, war, or terror incidents) and the consequences for societies with higher authoritarian tendencies.
COVID - 19在美洲、欧洲和亚洲的社会政治后果:对风险认知和对反民主行为的支持的多层次、多国调查
虽然不同的社会危机可能最终倾向于非民主和专制形式的治理,但在某种程度上,这种反民主的做法需要得到相当一部分人口的支持才能实施。本研究调查了在重新获得控制和安全的前提下,COVID - 19大流行如何以及是否可能有利于对反民主政府行为的更大支持。使用来自17个国家(N = 4364)的数据和国家级指标(即感染和死亡的实际数量,以及社会政治指标),我们测试了COVID - 19的感染和死亡风险如何与个人取向(即社会主导取向[SDO],右翼威权主义[RWA]和感知的失规范)一起激发专制和反民主行为。多层模型的结果表明,风险感知和对政治不稳定的感知预示着人们希望更强大的领导、同意戒严令和支持控制型政府,尤其是当SDO和RWA较高时,而更平等和更保守的人对这些专制措施的认同程度较低,尽管风险感知水平较高。我们讨论了这些发现对未来研究类似或不同外部事件(自然灾害、战争或恐怖事件)的影响,以及对具有更高威权倾向的社会的后果。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
8.00
自引率
6.50%
发文量
70
期刊介绍: Understanding the psychological aspects of national and international political developments is increasingly important in this age of international tension and sweeping political change. Political Psychology, the journal of the International Society of Political Psychology, is dedicated to the analysis of the interrelationships between psychological and political processes. International contributors draw on a diverse range of sources, including clinical and cognitive psychology, economics, history, international relations, philosophy, political science, political theory, sociology, personality and social psychology.
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