Unity and Division. Lefort and Clastres on the Role of Power in the Constitution of Society

IF 0.4 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY
Raf Geenens
{"title":"Unity and Division. Lefort and Clastres on the Role of Power in the Constitution of Society","authors":"Raf Geenens","doi":"10.1080/14409917.2023.2262340","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis article looks at the relation between the ideas of philosopher Claude Lefort and ethnologist Pierre Clastres. Both French authors worked in the same paradigm. They were convinced that politics is the “infrastructure” of society: all societies are politically constituted and can only be understood by interpreting the workings of political power. Yet they strongly disagreed on the dividedness of society. Clastres believed that a good solution to the problem of power is possible, while Lefort believes that the presence of power points to the impossibility of any society to coincide with itself. This article also discusses the way they both use the expression “the place of power” and asks to what extent non-Western societies were, both for Clastres and for Lefort, ever more than just a foil to present and illuminate their strongly held theoretical beliefs.KEYWORDS: DemocracypowerexoticismClaude LefortPierre Clastres Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 A much earlier version of this text was published in German as “Claude Lefort Und Pierre Clastres: Einheit Und Teilung.”2 The word “decentre” is particularly apt here as Clastres claims that he is effectuating a Copernican revolution. So far, ethnology was practiced from within the Western world view, as a purportedly neutral vantage point. But this will never do justice to the proper being of primitive societies (Clastres, La Société Contre l’état. Recherches d’anthropologie Politique, 23.).3 As Judith Revel explains, Clastres’s project in this regard resembles that of his contemporaries Michel Foucault and Jacques Derrida. For them as well, the challenge is to stop reintegrating what is other under our own norms (Revel, Foucault: Une Pensée Du Discontinu, 253–4.). Revel especially explores the analogy with Foucault. Christopher Holman also emphasises this aspect of Clastres’s thought (Holman, “Pierre Clastres as Comparative Political Theorist.”).4 An exception is Samuel Moyn’s 2012 article “Claude Lefort, Political Anthropology, and Symbolic Division,” which dedicates several pages to Lefort’s interpretation of Clastres’s work. Moyn’s most important text on Clastres is entitled “Of savagery and civil society: Pierre Clastres and the transformation of French political thought” (2004). This text does not discuss Lefort but is highly recommended. There are also some informative pages on the relation between Clastres and Lefort in Bernard Flynn’s The Philosophy of Claude Lefort. Interpreting the Political (94–8).5 See my “Democracy, Human Rights, and History: Reading Lefort.”6 Lefort, “Société 'sans Histoire’ et Historicité.”7 The word suffociation (“étouffement”) is used in the original text but has been left out in the re-publication (see page 108 in the 1952 version).8 Lefort, “Société ‘sans Histoire’ et Historicité,” 66.9 Lefort, 69–70.10 Howard, The Marxian Legacy, 250. Note that Dick Howard is commenting on Lefort’s first text on primitive societies (Lefort, “Société ‘sans Histoire’ et Historicité.”), and not on the 1987 Clastres-text (Lefort, “L’œuvre de Clastres.”).11 Namely when he starts working on Machiavelli at the end of the 1950s (whereas his first “ethnological” text dates back to 1951). And it is only very much later, in the 2000s, that he develops a broad intellectual-historical interest in the complete tradition of civic humanism, as he dives into the writings of Hans Baron and others.12 Geertz, “Deep Hanging Out,” 69–72.13 See Holman, “Pierre Clastres as Comparative Political Theorist,” 80–1.14 Published first in an edition of the Encyclopedia Universalis in 1978 and reprinted that same year in an issue of Libre partially dedicated to Clastres, cf. Lefort, “Pierre Clastres.”15 Clastres, La Société Contre l’état. Recherches d’anthropologie Politique, 172. Clastres emphasises the priority of politics very strongly. For instance, he will state that economic exploitation finds its condition of possibility in political inequalities, i.e. in relations of command and obedience: “The political power relation precedes and founds the economic relation of exploitation. Before being economic, exploitation is political; power precedes work; the economic is derivative of the political; the emergence of the state determines the appearance of classes.” (Clastres, 169.)16 Lefort, “Pierre Clastres,” 52.17 Clastres, La Société Contre l’état. Recherches d’anthropologie Politique, 175.18 Clastres, 169.19 Clastres, 176, 178.20 Clastres, La Société Contre l’état. Recherches d’anthropologie Politique, 169.21 Source: personal interview with Miguel Abensour (Paris, 12 June 2009).22 Lefort, “L’œuvre de Clastres,” 310.23 Lefort, 320. Lefort quotes Clastres here.24 Flynn, The Philosophy of Claude Lefort. Interpreting the Political, 96.25 Cf. Lefort, “L’œuvre de Clastres,” 319–21. In the text’s English translation, the term “pouvoir communautaire” is rendered as “communitarian power.” But it seems to me that the French word “communautaire” has a more general meaning here than the technical term “communitarian”.26 Clastres, “Entretien Avec Pierre Clastres,” 6. (emphasis added).27 Clastres, “La Question Du Pouvoir Dans Les Sociétés Primitives,” 20–1.28 Clastres, 20.29 Revel, Foucault: Une Pensée Du Discontinu, 251–8. Revel goes on to show that there is also a family resemblance between Foucault’s and Clastres’s views on the the relation between war and politics (Revel, 259.).30 Martin Deleixhe has recently associated Clastres’s view with Karl Marx’s comments about democracy in his Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right: “The stateless primitive societies described by Clastres are thus eerily reminiscent of the total demos hastily sketched into Marx’s critique of Hegel” (Deleixhe, “Post-Marxists and 'Young Marxists',” 166.). This similarity is plausible. But maybe one should go further and look for their common root in the influence of Jean-Jacques Rousseau.31 Clastres, “Liberté, Malencontre, Innommable,” 157.32 Clastres, “Entretien Avec Pierre Clastres,” 22.33 Clastres, “La Question Du Pouvoir Dans Les Sociétés Primitives,” 6–8.34 Clastres, “Liberté, Malencontre, Innommable,” 157.35 Lefort, “L’œuvre de Clastres,” 313.36 Lefort, 324.37 Ibid.38 Lefort, 325.39 Lefort, 323.40 Ibid.41 Ibid.42 In “Dialogue with Pierre Clastres”, Lefort claims that in writing “L'ère de l'idéologie” (1973) he was thinking of Clastres, even if he did not mention him (Lefort, 325.). This shows that the reflections on ethnological material were for Lefort instrumental in developing his ideas on ideology. Note that the 1973 text on ideology is a first version of the more well known text “Esquisse d'une genèse de l'idéologie dans les sociétés modernes,” published in 1974 (Lefort, “Esquisse d’une Genèse de l’idéologie Dans Les Sociétés Modernes.”).43 Lefort, “L’ère de l’idéologie,” 80.44 Lefort, “L’œuvre de Clastres,” 324–5.45 Lefort’s very first text on an anthropological theme is a 1951 study of Marcel Mauss (Lefort, “L’échange et La Lutte Des Hommes.”), where he reads and defends Mauss as a “phenomenologist of the social world” (cf. Breckman, Adventures of the Symbolic, 156.) against Lévi-Strauss’s “mathematical” interpretation of Mauss. But he is not yet hooked on the notion of “symbol” or “the symbolic” (cf. Lefort, “L’échange et La Lutte Des Hommes,” 1402.).46 I am basing myself on the outstanding presentation by Camille Tarot (Tarot, De Durkheim à Mauss. L’invention Du Symbolique, 271–3.)47 Tarot, 643.48 Lefort’s thinking about the symbolic might also have been influenced by his erstwhile pupil, Marcel Gauchet. In a string of essays about Clastres, written between 1974 and 1978, Gauchet had come to adopt a position similar to Lefort’s. Not surprisingly, Lefort fails to quote Gauchet in his 1987 text on Clastres. For a presentation of Gauchet’s take on Clastres, see Samuel Moyn (“Savage and Modern Liberty;” “The Politics of Individual Rights: Marcel Gauchet and Claude Lefort.”). Moyn’s pieces are excellent, but at one point he suggests, somewhat confusingly, that Gauchet in a 1975 text agrees with Lefort’s analysis of Clastres. This is surprising given that Gauchet’s text predates Lefort’s published texts on Clastres. Of course, it is likely that these issues were discussed among Gauchet, Lefort, and indeed Clastres himself, and hence that this divide between Clastres on the one hand and Gauchet and Lefort on the other, had organically emerged in their conversations.49 Abélès, “Pouvoir, Société, Symbolique. Essai d’anthropologie Politique,” 41.50 “The place of the political” is the title of Abélès’s study of the political system of the Ochollo-people in Ethiopia (Abélès, Le Lieu Du Politique.). His approach runs parallel to that of Clastres in that he is interested in the political mechanisms that allow societies without a state to apprehend themselves as political unities. Abélès discovers in the Ochollo society a clearly delineated political realm (“le lieu du politique”, Abélès, 234.), a realm that moreover corresponds to a clearly delineated real place in the spatial structure of the villages.51 Lyotard and Thébaud, Au Juste: Conversations, 138.52 Clastres, La Société Contre l’état. Recherches d’anthropologie Politique, 175.53 Clastres, 179.54 Clastres, “Entretien Avec Pierre Clastres,” 16.55 Clastres, 15–6. (emphasis added)56 Lefort and Gauchet, “Sur La Démocratie: Le Politique et l’institution Du Social,” 14, 17. The publication of these notes, officially jointly authored by Gauchet and Lefort, occasioned their fall out.57 Lefort and Gauchet, 78.58 See the formulations in the 1979 text “L’image du corps et le totalitarisme” (Lefort, “L’image Du Corps et Le Totalitarisme.”), the 1981 texts “L’impensé de l’Union de la gauche” (first published in Lefort, L’invention Démocratique. Les Limites de La Domination Totalitaire.) and “Permanence du théologico-politique?” (Lefort, “Permanence Du Théologico-Politique?”), the 1982 text “Démocratie et Avènement d’un ‘Lieu Vide’” (Lefort, “Démocratie et Avènement d’un 'Lieu Vide'.”) and the well-known 1983 text “La question de la démocratie” (Lefort, “La Question de La Démocratie.”).59 Clastres, La Société Contre l’état. Recherches d’anthropologie Politique, 23.60 Holman, “Pierre Clastres as Comparative Political Theorist,” 83–4.Additional informationFundingThe research for this article was made possible by a grant from FWO - Research Foundation Flanders [grant number G0D4520N].Notes on contributorsRaf GeenensRaf Geenens is Professor of Ethics and Legal Philosophy at KU Leuven's Institute of Philosophy. His research is situated at the intersection of ethics, political philosophy, and legal theory. In the past years he was the principal investigator of several large research projects in the field of constitutional theory, focussing on such notions as sovereignty and constitutional identity, especially in the context of the Belgian Constitution. He is currently completing a monograph on French philosopher Claude Lefort. In addition, Raf Geenens has a vivid interest in the history and philosophy of dance.","PeriodicalId":51905,"journal":{"name":"Critical Horizons","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Critical Horizons","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14409917.2023.2262340","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

ABSTRACTThis article looks at the relation between the ideas of philosopher Claude Lefort and ethnologist Pierre Clastres. Both French authors worked in the same paradigm. They were convinced that politics is the “infrastructure” of society: all societies are politically constituted and can only be understood by interpreting the workings of political power. Yet they strongly disagreed on the dividedness of society. Clastres believed that a good solution to the problem of power is possible, while Lefort believes that the presence of power points to the impossibility of any society to coincide with itself. This article also discusses the way they both use the expression “the place of power” and asks to what extent non-Western societies were, both for Clastres and for Lefort, ever more than just a foil to present and illuminate their strongly held theoretical beliefs.KEYWORDS: DemocracypowerexoticismClaude LefortPierre Clastres Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 A much earlier version of this text was published in German as “Claude Lefort Und Pierre Clastres: Einheit Und Teilung.”2 The word “decentre” is particularly apt here as Clastres claims that he is effectuating a Copernican revolution. So far, ethnology was practiced from within the Western world view, as a purportedly neutral vantage point. But this will never do justice to the proper being of primitive societies (Clastres, La Société Contre l’état. Recherches d’anthropologie Politique, 23.).3 As Judith Revel explains, Clastres’s project in this regard resembles that of his contemporaries Michel Foucault and Jacques Derrida. For them as well, the challenge is to stop reintegrating what is other under our own norms (Revel, Foucault: Une Pensée Du Discontinu, 253–4.). Revel especially explores the analogy with Foucault. Christopher Holman also emphasises this aspect of Clastres’s thought (Holman, “Pierre Clastres as Comparative Political Theorist.”).4 An exception is Samuel Moyn’s 2012 article “Claude Lefort, Political Anthropology, and Symbolic Division,” which dedicates several pages to Lefort’s interpretation of Clastres’s work. Moyn’s most important text on Clastres is entitled “Of savagery and civil society: Pierre Clastres and the transformation of French political thought” (2004). This text does not discuss Lefort but is highly recommended. There are also some informative pages on the relation between Clastres and Lefort in Bernard Flynn’s The Philosophy of Claude Lefort. Interpreting the Political (94–8).5 See my “Democracy, Human Rights, and History: Reading Lefort.”6 Lefort, “Société 'sans Histoire’ et Historicité.”7 The word suffociation (“étouffement”) is used in the original text but has been left out in the re-publication (see page 108 in the 1952 version).8 Lefort, “Société ‘sans Histoire’ et Historicité,” 66.9 Lefort, 69–70.10 Howard, The Marxian Legacy, 250. Note that Dick Howard is commenting on Lefort’s first text on primitive societies (Lefort, “Société ‘sans Histoire’ et Historicité.”), and not on the 1987 Clastres-text (Lefort, “L’œuvre de Clastres.”).11 Namely when he starts working on Machiavelli at the end of the 1950s (whereas his first “ethnological” text dates back to 1951). And it is only very much later, in the 2000s, that he develops a broad intellectual-historical interest in the complete tradition of civic humanism, as he dives into the writings of Hans Baron and others.12 Geertz, “Deep Hanging Out,” 69–72.13 See Holman, “Pierre Clastres as Comparative Political Theorist,” 80–1.14 Published first in an edition of the Encyclopedia Universalis in 1978 and reprinted that same year in an issue of Libre partially dedicated to Clastres, cf. Lefort, “Pierre Clastres.”15 Clastres, La Société Contre l’état. Recherches d’anthropologie Politique, 172. Clastres emphasises the priority of politics very strongly. For instance, he will state that economic exploitation finds its condition of possibility in political inequalities, i.e. in relations of command and obedience: “The political power relation precedes and founds the economic relation of exploitation. Before being economic, exploitation is political; power precedes work; the economic is derivative of the political; the emergence of the state determines the appearance of classes.” (Clastres, 169.)16 Lefort, “Pierre Clastres,” 52.17 Clastres, La Société Contre l’état. Recherches d’anthropologie Politique, 175.18 Clastres, 169.19 Clastres, 176, 178.20 Clastres, La Société Contre l’état. Recherches d’anthropologie Politique, 169.21 Source: personal interview with Miguel Abensour (Paris, 12 June 2009).22 Lefort, “L’œuvre de Clastres,” 310.23 Lefort, 320. Lefort quotes Clastres here.24 Flynn, The Philosophy of Claude Lefort. Interpreting the Political, 96.25 Cf. Lefort, “L’œuvre de Clastres,” 319–21. In the text’s English translation, the term “pouvoir communautaire” is rendered as “communitarian power.” But it seems to me that the French word “communautaire” has a more general meaning here than the technical term “communitarian”.26 Clastres, “Entretien Avec Pierre Clastres,” 6. (emphasis added).27 Clastres, “La Question Du Pouvoir Dans Les Sociétés Primitives,” 20–1.28 Clastres, 20.29 Revel, Foucault: Une Pensée Du Discontinu, 251–8. Revel goes on to show that there is also a family resemblance between Foucault’s and Clastres’s views on the the relation between war and politics (Revel, 259.).30 Martin Deleixhe has recently associated Clastres’s view with Karl Marx’s comments about democracy in his Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right: “The stateless primitive societies described by Clastres are thus eerily reminiscent of the total demos hastily sketched into Marx’s critique of Hegel” (Deleixhe, “Post-Marxists and 'Young Marxists',” 166.). This similarity is plausible. But maybe one should go further and look for their common root in the influence of Jean-Jacques Rousseau.31 Clastres, “Liberté, Malencontre, Innommable,” 157.32 Clastres, “Entretien Avec Pierre Clastres,” 22.33 Clastres, “La Question Du Pouvoir Dans Les Sociétés Primitives,” 6–8.34 Clastres, “Liberté, Malencontre, Innommable,” 157.35 Lefort, “L’œuvre de Clastres,” 313.36 Lefort, 324.37 Ibid.38 Lefort, 325.39 Lefort, 323.40 Ibid.41 Ibid.42 In “Dialogue with Pierre Clastres”, Lefort claims that in writing “L'ère de l'idéologie” (1973) he was thinking of Clastres, even if he did not mention him (Lefort, 325.). This shows that the reflections on ethnological material were for Lefort instrumental in developing his ideas on ideology. Note that the 1973 text on ideology is a first version of the more well known text “Esquisse d'une genèse de l'idéologie dans les sociétés modernes,” published in 1974 (Lefort, “Esquisse d’une Genèse de l’idéologie Dans Les Sociétés Modernes.”).43 Lefort, “L’ère de l’idéologie,” 80.44 Lefort, “L’œuvre de Clastres,” 324–5.45 Lefort’s very first text on an anthropological theme is a 1951 study of Marcel Mauss (Lefort, “L’échange et La Lutte Des Hommes.”), where he reads and defends Mauss as a “phenomenologist of the social world” (cf. Breckman, Adventures of the Symbolic, 156.) against Lévi-Strauss’s “mathematical” interpretation of Mauss. But he is not yet hooked on the notion of “symbol” or “the symbolic” (cf. Lefort, “L’échange et La Lutte Des Hommes,” 1402.).46 I am basing myself on the outstanding presentation by Camille Tarot (Tarot, De Durkheim à Mauss. L’invention Du Symbolique, 271–3.)47 Tarot, 643.48 Lefort’s thinking about the symbolic might also have been influenced by his erstwhile pupil, Marcel Gauchet. In a string of essays about Clastres, written between 1974 and 1978, Gauchet had come to adopt a position similar to Lefort’s. Not surprisingly, Lefort fails to quote Gauchet in his 1987 text on Clastres. For a presentation of Gauchet’s take on Clastres, see Samuel Moyn (“Savage and Modern Liberty;” “The Politics of Individual Rights: Marcel Gauchet and Claude Lefort.”). Moyn’s pieces are excellent, but at one point he suggests, somewhat confusingly, that Gauchet in a 1975 text agrees with Lefort’s analysis of Clastres. This is surprising given that Gauchet’s text predates Lefort’s published texts on Clastres. Of course, it is likely that these issues were discussed among Gauchet, Lefort, and indeed Clastres himself, and hence that this divide between Clastres on the one hand and Gauchet and Lefort on the other, had organically emerged in their conversations.49 Abélès, “Pouvoir, Société, Symbolique. Essai d’anthropologie Politique,” 41.50 “The place of the political” is the title of Abélès’s study of the political system of the Ochollo-people in Ethiopia (Abélès, Le Lieu Du Politique.). His approach runs parallel to that of Clastres in that he is interested in the political mechanisms that allow societies without a state to apprehend themselves as political unities. Abélès discovers in the Ochollo society a clearly delineated political realm (“le lieu du politique”, Abélès, 234.), a realm that moreover corresponds to a clearly delineated real place in the spatial structure of the villages.51 Lyotard and Thébaud, Au Juste: Conversations, 138.52 Clastres, La Société Contre l’état. Recherches d’anthropologie Politique, 175.53 Clastres, 179.54 Clastres, “Entretien Avec Pierre Clastres,” 16.55 Clastres, 15–6. (emphasis added)56 Lefort and Gauchet, “Sur La Démocratie: Le Politique et l’institution Du Social,” 14, 17. The publication of these notes, officially jointly authored by Gauchet and Lefort, occasioned their fall out.57 Lefort and Gauchet, 78.58 See the formulations in the 1979 text “L’image du corps et le totalitarisme” (Lefort, “L’image Du Corps et Le Totalitarisme.”), the 1981 texts “L’impensé de l’Union de la gauche” (first published in Lefort, L’invention Démocratique. Les Limites de La Domination Totalitaire.) and “Permanence du théologico-politique?” (Lefort, “Permanence Du Théologico-Politique?”), the 1982 text “Démocratie et Avènement d’un ‘Lieu Vide’” (Lefort, “Démocratie et Avènement d’un 'Lieu Vide'.”) and the well-known 1983 text “La question de la démocratie” (Lefort, “La Question de La Démocratie.”).59 Clastres, La Société Contre l’état. Recherches d’anthropologie Politique, 23.60 Holman, “Pierre Clastres as Comparative Political Theorist,” 83–4.Additional informationFundingThe research for this article was made possible by a grant from FWO - Research Foundation Flanders [grant number G0D4520N].Notes on contributorsRaf GeenensRaf Geenens is Professor of Ethics and Legal Philosophy at KU Leuven's Institute of Philosophy. His research is situated at the intersection of ethics, political philosophy, and legal theory. In the past years he was the principal investigator of several large research projects in the field of constitutional theory, focussing on such notions as sovereignty and constitutional identity, especially in the context of the Belgian Constitution. He is currently completing a monograph on French philosopher Claude Lefort. In addition, Raf Geenens has a vivid interest in the history and philosophy of dance.
团结与分裂。论权力在社会构成中的作用
摘要本文考察了哲学家勒福特与民族学家克拉斯特雷斯思想的关系。两位法国作家的工作模式相同。他们相信政治是社会的“基础设施”:所有社会都是政治构成的,只有通过解释政治权力的运作才能理解。然而,他们在社会分化问题上存在强烈分歧。克拉斯特雷斯认为,权力问题的良好解决是可能的,而勒福特认为,权力的存在表明,任何社会都不可能与自身一致。本文还讨论了他们使用“权力的地方”这一表达的方式,并询问在何种程度上非西方社会,无论是对克拉斯特雷斯还是对勒福特来说,都不仅仅是一个展示和阐明他们强烈持有的理论信念的辅助工具。关键词:民主,权力,异国情调,克劳德·勒福特,皮埃尔·克拉斯特雷斯披露声明,作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1这篇文章的一个更早的版本以德文出版,名为《克劳德·勒夫特和皮埃尔·克拉斯特:爱海特和泰隆》。2“去中心化”这个词在这里特别贴切,因为克拉斯特雷斯声称他正在实施一场哥白尼式的革命。到目前为止,民族学是从西方世界观中实践的,作为一个据称中立的有利位置。但是,这永远不能公正地对待原始社会的本来存在(克拉斯特雷斯,La societsastree Contre l ' samdat)。2 .政治人类学研究,2003正如Judith Revel所解释的,Clastres在这方面的计划类似于他同时代的Michel Foucault和Jacques Derrida。对于他们来说,挑战是停止在我们自己的规范下重新整合他者(Revel,福柯:Une penssame Du discontinuu, 253-4)。雷维尔特别探讨了他与福柯的类比。3 . Christopher Holman也强调了Clastres思想的这一方面(Holman,“Pierre Clastres as Comparative Political Theorist.”)一个例外是塞缪尔·莫恩(Samuel Moyn)在2012年发表的文章《克劳德·勒福特、政治人类学和象征分裂》(Claude Lefort, Political Anthropology, and Symbolic Division),其中花了几页篇幅来阐述勒福特对克拉斯特雷斯作品的解读。莫恩关于克拉斯特雷斯最重要的著作是《野蛮与公民社会:皮埃尔·克拉斯特雷斯与法国政治思想的转变》(2004)。本文不讨论左福特,但强烈推荐。在伯纳德·弗林的《克劳德·勒福特的哲学》中,也有一些关于克拉斯特雷斯和勒福特之间关系的信息页。解读政治(94-8)参见我的《民主、人权和历史:阅读福特》。6 . Lefort,“社会主义与历史主义”。“7”原文中使用了“窒息”一词,但在再版时删除了(见1952年版第108页)Lefort,“无历史的社会与历史”,66.9 Lefort, 69-70.10 Howard,《马克思主义遗产》,250页。请注意,迪克·霍华德评论的是莱福特关于原始社会的第一篇文章(莱福特,“societs<s:1> sans Histoire’et historicit<e:1> .”),而不是1987年的经典文本(莱福特,“L ' œuvre de Clastres.”)也就是说,当他在20世纪50年代末开始研究马基雅维利时(而他的第一篇“民族学”文本要追溯到1951年)。直到很晚的时候,在2000年代,当他深入研究汉斯·巴伦和其他人的著作时,他才对公民人文主义的完整传统产生了广泛的思想史兴趣Geertz,“幽会”,69-72.13见Holman,“皮埃尔·克拉斯特雷斯作为比较政治理论家”,80-1.14 1978年首次发表在《世界百科全书》的一个版本中,同年在《自由》的一期中再版,部分是关于克拉斯特雷斯的,参见Lefort,“皮埃尔·克拉斯特雷斯”。“15 .社会主义,社会主义和社会主义。《政治人类学研究》,172。克拉斯特雷斯非常强调政治的重要性。例如,他会说,经济剥削在政治不平等中,即在命令和服从的关系中,找到了它的可能性条件:“政治权力关系先于并建立了剥削的经济关系。剥削首先是经济的,其次是政治的;权力先于工作;经济是政治的衍生物;国家的出现决定了阶级的出现。(Clastres, 169.)16 Lefort,“Pierre Clastres,”52.17 Clastres, La societacast<s:1> Contre l’samat。政治人类学研究,175.18,169.19,176,178.20,La societacest tanci.911cha.com。来源:对Miguel Abensour的个人访谈(巴黎,2009年6月12日)Lefort, " L ' œuvre de Clastres, " 310.23 Lefort, 320。莱福特在这里引用了克拉斯特拉的话《克劳德·勒福特的哲学》。《政治的解释》,1996 . Cf. Lefort,“L ' œuvre de Clastres,”319-21。在这篇文章的英文翻译中,“pouvoir communautaire”一词被翻译成“社群主义的力量”。 但在我看来,法语单词“communautaire”在这里比专业术语“communitarian”有更广泛的含义Clastres, < enttien Avec Pierre Clastres >, 6。(强调)10Clastres,“La Question Du Pouvoir das Les sociesetsamuys Primitives”,20-1.28,Clastres, 20.29 Revel,福柯:Une penssamuere Du Discontinu, 251-8。Revel继续表明,福柯和克拉斯特雷斯对战争与政治关系的看法也有家族相似之处(Revel, 259.)Martin Deleixhe最近在他的《黑格尔的法哲学批判》中把Clastres的观点和Karl Marx关于民主的评论联系在一起:“Clastres所描述的无国家的原始社会因此怪异地让人想起了马克思对黑格尔的批判中匆匆勾画的全体人民”(Deleixhe,“后马克思主义者和“青年马克思主义者”,166.)。这种相似性是有道理的。但也许我们应该更进一步,在让-雅克·卢梭的影响中寻找它们的共同根源。31克拉斯特拉,“自由,马伦孔特,不可名状”,157.32克拉斯特拉,“Entretien Avec Pierre Clastres”,22.33克拉斯特拉,“关于原始社会的问题”,6-8.34克拉斯特拉,“自由,马伦孔特,不可名状”,157.35勒福特,“L ' œuvre de Clastres,”313.36 Lefort, 324.37同上。38 Lefort, 325.39 Lefort, 323.40同上。41同上。42在“与Pierre Clastres的对话”中,Lefort声称,在写作“L' <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1>交换体”(1973)时,他想到了Clastres,即使他没有提到他(Lefort, 325.)。这表明,对民族学材料的反思对勒福特的意识形态思想的发展起到了重要作用。注意,1973文本意识形态是一个众所周知的第一个版本文本”一个genese Esquisse de l 'ideologie在法国现代,”1974年出版(Lefort,”一个genese Esquisse de l 'ideologie在法国现代。”)点Lefort关于人类学主题的第一篇文章是1951年对Marcel Mauss的研究(Lefort,“L '。)但他还没有被“符号”或“象征”的概念所吸引(参见Lefort,“L’日新月异的La Lutte Des Hommes,”1402)我是基于卡米尔·塔罗(塔罗,德·迪尔凯姆·摩斯)的杰出陈述。L 'invention Du Symbolique, 271-3)47 Tarot, 643.48勒福特对象征的思考可能也受到了他以前的学生马塞尔·高歇的影响。在1974年至1978年间写的一系列关于克拉斯特雷斯的文章中,戈歇采取了与勒福特类似的立场。毫不奇怪,Lefort在他1987年关于Clastres的文章中没有引用Gauchet的话。关于高歇对克拉斯特的看法,请见塞缪尔·莫恩(《野蛮人和现代自由》;《个人权利的政治:马塞尔·高歇和克劳德·勒福特》)。莫恩的作品非常出色,但他在1975年的一篇文章中暗示,高歇同意勒福特对克拉斯特雷斯的分析,这一点有些令人困惑。这是令人惊讶的,因为高歇的文本早于勒福特发表的关于克拉斯特雷斯的文本。当然,这些问题很可能是在高歇、勒福以及克拉斯特拉本人之间讨论过的,因此,克拉斯特拉与高歇和勒福之间的分歧在他们的谈话中自然地出现了“社会主义,社会主义,象征主义。《政治人类学论文集》,41.50“政治的地方”是ab对埃塞俄比亚奥乔洛人政治制度的研究的题目(ab, Le Lieu Du Politique.)。他的方法与克拉斯特雷斯的方法相似,因为他对允许没有国家的社会将自己理解为政治统一的政治机制感兴趣。51 . ab辽阔的前程在Ochollo社会中发现了一个明确划定的政治领域(“le lieu du politique”,ab辽阔的前程,234.),而且这个领域与村庄空间结构中明确划定的真实位置相对应Lyotard and thimassbaud,《Au justice: Conversations》,138.52。政治学人类学研究,175.53 Clastres, 179.54 Clastres,“enttien Avec Pierre Clastres”,16.55 Clastres, 15-6。(强调加)56 Lefort和Gauchet,“Sur La dmomoatie: Le Politique et l 'institution Du Social”,14,17。这些由戈歇和勒福特正式联合撰写的笔记的出版,引起了他们的争吵参见1979年文本“L 'image du corps et le totalitarisme”(Lefort,“L 'image du corps et le totalitarisme”),1981年文本“L ' impensise de L 'Union de la gauche”(首次发表于Lefort, L 'invention dsammocratique)中的表述。极权统治的极限。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Critical Horizons
Critical Horizons SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY-
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