Introduction: Cultures of Conservatism in Western Europe since the 1960s

Martina Steber, Tobias Becker, Anna von der Goltz
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The sociologist and journalist saw the Reaganesque hairstyle, by then to be spotted on a stroll through any \"mid-sized city,\" as indicative of a return to the styles of the 1950s. This was significant, he argued, because hair and fashion were more than fads; they communicated attitudes and group identities to the outside world: When, dressed in a suit and vest, I enter one of the establishments frequented by our teacher and his ilk, people who live by the code \"emancipation\" (positive) and \"repression\" (negative), people gape at me with amazement, if not hostility. It is as if a Seminole has entered Iroquois territory without following the rituals prescribed for such a border crossing. And our teacher encounters no less hostility when he enters one of those elegantly stylized cafés where these kids with Ronald Reagan haircuts hang out. The young men's attire and the \"code\" associated with it was \"extremely conservative, immunized against the passage of time in many respects,\" and, most importantly, a rebellion against the 1968 generation, Rutschky was convinced.2 It was not only 1980s fashion that led observers to note that the German zeitgeist had taken a conservative turn. Depending on their political position, this diagnosis—which was almost always framed in political terms—was tinged with either regret or satisfaction. Conservative affinities in culture, [End Page 1] many argued, testified to the success of the so-called \"reversal of tendencies\" and the reality of \"spiritual-moral change\" since the Christian Democrats' return to power with Helmut Kohl's election as German chancellor in 1982.3 Commentators were quick to point out the international dimension of this putative conservative turn, whereby the changes of government in the UK and the US in 1979 and 1981, respectively, were seen as pivotal moments, and Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan as harbingers of a new conservative hegemony. Jürgen Habermas brought this reading into philosophical discourse when, in his 1980 Adorno Prize acceptance speech in Frankfurt, he described the \"conservative\" inclinations of the day—including postmodernism—as enemies of the Enlightenment project of modernity.4 Culture had become a key concept again, a \"major principle for social cohesion,\" and therefore the subject of political debate.5 This edition of the German Yearbook of Contemporary History focuses on cultures of conservatism in Western Europe, particularly the United Kingdom, and is especially interested in the transnational and transatlantic traffic in ideas, culture, and lifestyles between Europe and the United States in the final decades of the twentieth century. All the articles in the yearbook and parts of this introduction were first published in German in the Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte in 2022/23.6 In adopting this focus, the yearbook interrogates the relationship between political and cultural change in this period. It asks how we should, in fact, interpret the sudden penchant for Reagan haircuts and the revival of suits and vests. Were these mere cultural manifestations of political ideology—aesthetic reflections of political beliefs, in other words? Or did they signify a more subtle shift that was not necessarily in sync with people's political preferences—or that perhaps actually shaped such preferences? How should we interpret the connections between cultures of conservatism and organized politics in an era of conservative political dominance? In addressing these questions, the volume seeks to move beyond the sphere of organized politics to excavate deeper layers of conservatism's appeal and to offer a more nuanced understanding of the major political and cultural transformations of the final decades of the twentieth century. Contemporary observers have often noted...","PeriodicalId":237244,"journal":{"name":"German Yearbook of Contemporary History","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"2","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"German Yearbook of Contemporary History","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gych.2023.a907657","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2

Abstract

IntroductionCultures of Conservatism in Western Europe since the 1960s Martina Steber, Tobias Becker, and Anna von der Goltz Translated by Sinéad Crowe The hair trends for men presented by the Central Association of the German Hairdressing Trade in spring 1983 were strikingly reminiscent of men's hairstyles from a bygone era.1 "With their pompadours, the young men on view resembled none other than the seventy-year-old man who had become president of the United States of America in 1981: [they sported] an oiled, tightly combed structure that no gust of wind could knock out of shape," remarked Michael Rutschky. The sociologist and journalist saw the Reaganesque hairstyle, by then to be spotted on a stroll through any "mid-sized city," as indicative of a return to the styles of the 1950s. This was significant, he argued, because hair and fashion were more than fads; they communicated attitudes and group identities to the outside world: When, dressed in a suit and vest, I enter one of the establishments frequented by our teacher and his ilk, people who live by the code "emancipation" (positive) and "repression" (negative), people gape at me with amazement, if not hostility. It is as if a Seminole has entered Iroquois territory without following the rituals prescribed for such a border crossing. And our teacher encounters no less hostility when he enters one of those elegantly stylized cafés where these kids with Ronald Reagan haircuts hang out. The young men's attire and the "code" associated with it was "extremely conservative, immunized against the passage of time in many respects," and, most importantly, a rebellion against the 1968 generation, Rutschky was convinced.2 It was not only 1980s fashion that led observers to note that the German zeitgeist had taken a conservative turn. Depending on their political position, this diagnosis—which was almost always framed in political terms—was tinged with either regret or satisfaction. Conservative affinities in culture, [End Page 1] many argued, testified to the success of the so-called "reversal of tendencies" and the reality of "spiritual-moral change" since the Christian Democrats' return to power with Helmut Kohl's election as German chancellor in 1982.3 Commentators were quick to point out the international dimension of this putative conservative turn, whereby the changes of government in the UK and the US in 1979 and 1981, respectively, were seen as pivotal moments, and Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan as harbingers of a new conservative hegemony. Jürgen Habermas brought this reading into philosophical discourse when, in his 1980 Adorno Prize acceptance speech in Frankfurt, he described the "conservative" inclinations of the day—including postmodernism—as enemies of the Enlightenment project of modernity.4 Culture had become a key concept again, a "major principle for social cohesion," and therefore the subject of political debate.5 This edition of the German Yearbook of Contemporary History focuses on cultures of conservatism in Western Europe, particularly the United Kingdom, and is especially interested in the transnational and transatlantic traffic in ideas, culture, and lifestyles between Europe and the United States in the final decades of the twentieth century. All the articles in the yearbook and parts of this introduction were first published in German in the Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte in 2022/23.6 In adopting this focus, the yearbook interrogates the relationship between political and cultural change in this period. It asks how we should, in fact, interpret the sudden penchant for Reagan haircuts and the revival of suits and vests. Were these mere cultural manifestations of political ideology—aesthetic reflections of political beliefs, in other words? Or did they signify a more subtle shift that was not necessarily in sync with people's political preferences—or that perhaps actually shaped such preferences? How should we interpret the connections between cultures of conservatism and organized politics in an era of conservative political dominance? In addressing these questions, the volume seeks to move beyond the sphere of organized politics to excavate deeper layers of conservatism's appeal and to offer a more nuanced understanding of the major political and cultural transformations of the final decades of the twentieth century. Contemporary observers have often noted...
导论:20世纪60年代以来西欧保守主义文化
1983年春天,德国美发贸易中央协会(Central Association of the German hair美发Trade)展示的男性发型趋势,让人不禁想起过去那个时代的男性发型。迈克尔·鲁茨基评论说:“这些梳着蓬蓬头的年轻人与1981年刚当上美国总统的70岁老人别无二致。(他们的)头发上了油,梳得很紧,任何一阵风都吹不乱。”这位社会学家和记者认为,里根式的发型是20世纪50年代风格的回归,当时在任何“中等城市”漫步都能看到这种发型。他认为,这很重要,因为发型和时尚不仅仅是时尚;他们向外界传达态度和群体身份:当我穿着西装和背心,走进我们的老师和他的同类经常光顾的一家场所时,他们以“解放”(积极的)和“压抑”(消极的)为准则生活,人们惊讶地瞪着我,如果不是敌意的话。这就好像一个塞米诺尔人进入易洛魁人的领土,却没有按照规定的越境仪式行事。当我们的老师走进一间风格优雅的咖啡厅时,他遇到的敌意也丝毫没有减少,那些孩子们都留着罗纳德·里根式的发型。鲁茨基确信,年轻人的服装和与之相关的“准则”“极其保守,在许多方面不受时间流逝的影响”,最重要的是,这是对1968年一代的反叛不仅是上世纪80年代的时尚让观察人士注意到,德国的时代精神已经转向保守。根据他们的政治立场,这种诊断——几乎总是用政治术语来描述——要么是遗憾,要么是满意。许多人认为,文化上的保守倾向证明了所谓的“趋势逆转”的成功,以及自1982年赫尔穆特·科尔(Helmut Kohl)当选德国总理后基督教民主党重新掌权以来的“精神-道德变化”的现实。评论人士很快指出了这种假定的保守转向的国际层面,即英国和美国分别于1979年和1981年的政府更迭被视为关键时刻。玛格丽特·撒切尔和罗纳德·里根是新保守主义霸权的先驱者。哈贝马斯(j根·哈贝马斯)在他1980年在法兰克福发表的阿多诺奖获奖感言中,将当时的“保守”倾向——包括后现代主义——描述为现代性启蒙运动的敌人,将这种解读带入哲学话语文化再次成为一个关键概念,成为“社会凝聚力的主要原则”,因此成为政治辩论的主题本版《德国当代历史年鉴》关注西欧,特别是英国的保守主义文化,尤其关注二十世纪最后几十年欧洲和美国之间思想、文化和生活方式的跨国和跨大西洋交流。年鉴中的所有文章和本导言的部分内容首次以德语发表于2022/23.6年的《时代周刊》(Vierteljahrshefte fr Zeitgeschichte)上,在采用这一重点的同时,年鉴探讨了这一时期政治与文化变革之间的关系。它问的是,实际上,我们应该如何解释突然出现的对里根发型的偏好,以及西装和背心的复兴。换句话说,这些仅仅是政治意识形态的文化表现——政治信仰的美学反映吗?或者他们是否预示着一种更微妙的转变,这种转变不一定与人们的政治偏好同步——或者可能实际上影响了人们的政治偏好?在保守主义政治主导的时代,我们应该如何解释保守主义文化与有组织政治之间的联系?在解决这些问题时,本书试图超越有组织的政治领域,挖掘保守主义吸引力的更深层次,并对20世纪最后几十年的主要政治和文化变革提供更细致入微的理解。当代观察家经常注意到……
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