The Relation between Regional Power Policies of Turkey and the Media Strategy of President Erdoğan

IF 0.5 Q3 AREA STUDIES

Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies Pub Date : 2023-10-12 DOI:10.1080/25765949.2023.2267292

Melih Dinçer

{"title":"The Relation between Regional Power Policies of Turkey and the Media Strategy of President Erdoğan","authors":"Melih Dinçer","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2267292","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis research investigates the relation between regional power policies of Turkey and the media strategy of President Erdoğan. After the coup attempt on July 15, 2016, the Justice and Development Party started to implement regional power policies, which are focusing on security affairs. The political power fell into the hands of the President. Regional power policies are used as a legitimised as a tool for the transition to authoritarianism. The main purpose of this transition is to suppress dissident voices by controlling the media. In this article, I argue that President Erdoğan uses regional power policies as a tool to control the national media. The President is trying to create the image of a world leader for himself by using the pro-government media companies. Turkey’s of natural gas, the Libya issue and the NATO Summit in Madrid will be discussed in terms of media’s perspectives.Keywords: Turkish foreign policyregional powerthe discourse of powerful Turkeydomestic politicsnational media Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Oliver Stuenkel, Post-Western World: How Emerging Powers Are Remaking Global Order (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2016), p. 8.2 Francis A. Kornegay and Sanusha Naidu, ‘BRICS in the post-liberal world order: A new agenda for cooperation? Perspectives from South Africa’, Strategic Analysis 43(6), (2019), pp. 632–635.3 Enes Bayraklı and Aslıhan Alkanat, ‘An analysis of European actors policies towards operation peace spring’, The Journal of Defence and War Studies 32(1), (2022), pp. 1–5.4 Ihsan Yilmaz, Mehmet Efe Caman and Galib Bashirov, ‘How an Islamist party managed to legitimate its authoritarianization in the eyes of the secularist opposition: the case of Turkey’, Democratization 27(2), (2020), p. 274.5 Duygu Karatas and Erkan Saka, ‘Online political trolling in the context of post-Gezi social media in Turkey’, International Journal of Digital Television 8(3), (2017), p. 393.6 Murat Akser and Banu Baybars, ‘Repressed media and illiberal politics in Turkey: the persistence of fear’, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 23(1), (2023), pp. 159–163.7 Mustafa Kutlay and Ziya Öniş, ‘Turkish foreign policy in a post-western order: strategic autonomy or new forms of dependence?’, International Affairs 97(4), (2021), pp. 1099–1100.8 Edward Wastnidge, ‘Imperial grandeur and selective memory: Re-assessing neo-Ottomanism in Turkish foreign and domestic politics’, Middle East Critique 28(1), (2019), pp. 12–24.9 Ibid., p. 20.10 Ibid., pp. 20–21.11 Kutlay and Öniş, ‘Turkish foreign policy in a post-western order’, pp. 1096–1099.12 Kutlay and Öniş, ‘Turkish foreign policy in a post-western order’, p. 1088.13 ‘Turkey’, Human Rights Watch, (10 February 2023).14 Ihsan Yilmaz and Galib Bashirov, ‘The AKP after 15 years: emergence of Erdoganism in Turkey’, Third World Quarterly 39(9), (2018), p. 1819.15 M. Hakan Yavuz and Ahmet Erdi Öztürk, ‘Turkish secularism and Islam under the reign of Erdoğan’, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 19(1), (2019), p. 1.16 Deniz Ülke Arıboğan, ‘The case of Hagia Sophia's opening to worship as an example of political ‘anamnesis’’, Journal of Economy Culture and Society 63, (2021), p. 45.17 ‘Hundreds of thousands offer first Friday prayer in Hagia Sophia in 86 years’, TRT World, (5 February 2023).18 Rahim Rahimov, ‘The Geopolitics of Sacralization: Turkey’s Reversion of the Hagia Sofia’, Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 15(2), (2021), p. 274.19 Ibid., p. 274.20 John J. Mearsheimer, ‘Bound to fail: The rise and fall of the liberal international order’, International Security 43(4), (Spring 2019), p. 7.21 ‘Evolution of BRICS’, BRICS, (27 July 2022).22 James R. Holmes and Toshi Yoshihara, ‘Deterring China in the ‘gray zone’: Lessons of the South China Sea for U.S. alliances’, Orbis 61(3), (2017), p. 332.23 Senem B. Çevik, ‘Reassessing Turkey’s soft power: The rules of attraction’, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 44(1), (2019), p. 50.24 Detlef Nolte, ‘How to compare regional powers: analytical concepts and research topics’, Review of International Studies 36, (2010), p. 890.25 Emel Parlar Dal, ‘Conceptualising and testing the ‘emerging regional power’ of Turkey in the shifting international order’, Third World Quarterly 37(8), (2016), p. 1427.26 Robert Stewart-Ingersoll and Derrick Frazier, ‘Regional Powers and Security Orders: A theoretical framework’, Oxon: Routledge, (2012), p. 11.27 Ibid., p. 11.28 Daniel Flemes, ‘Conceptualising regional power in international relations: Lessons from the South African case’, German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA): Working Papers 53, (June 2007), p. 11.29 Ziya Öniş, ‘Turkey and post-soviet states: Potential and limits of regional power influence’, Middle East Review of International Affairs 5(2), (2001), pp. 66–74; André Bank and Roy Karadag, ‘The political economy of regional power: Turkey under the AKP’, GIGA Research Unit: Institute of Middle East Studies 204, (2012), pp. 1–24; Şaban Kardaş, ‘Turkey: A regional power facing a changing international system’, Turkish Studies 14(4), (2013), pp. 637–660; Dal, ‘Conceptualising and testing the ‘emerging regional power’ of Turkey in the shifting international order’, pp. 1425–1453.30 Emel Poyraz and Melih Dinçer, ‘Public diplomacy activities of Turkey in the globalizing world’, Intermedia International e-Journal 3(4), (2016), p. 30.31 ‘GDP (current US$)’, World Bank, (2022).32 Dal, ‘Conceptualising and testing the ‘emerging regional power’ of Turkey in the shifting international order’, p. 21.33 Ibid., pp. 5–21.34 ‘Turkiye is significant regional power: Kremlin’, Anadolu Agency, (12 September 2022).35 ‘Ukraine: the head of French diplomacy in Turkey to ‘encourage’ it in its ‘positive’ action’, Le Figaro, (25 September 2022).36 Şaban Kardaş, ‘Turkey: A regional power facing a changing international system’, Turkish Studies 14(4), (2013), p. 656.37 Mitat Çelikpala, ‘Turkey as a regional power and the Caucasus’, Insight Turkey 9(2), (2007), p. 25; Ziya Öniş, ‘Turkey and the Arab revolutions: Boundaries of regional power influence in a turbulent Middle East’, Mediterranean Politics 19(2), (2014), p. 204.38 ‘President Erdoğan: ‘Türkiye is a global power’’, Hürriyet, (8 July 2022).39 ‘President Erdoğan: Turkey is improving its regional and global power position day by day’, TRT Haber, (11 July 2022).40 Berdal Aral, ‘‘The world ıs bigger than five’: A salutary manifesto of turkey’s new ınternational outlook’, Insight Turkey 21(4), (2019), p. 71.41 Ibid., p. 71.42 Meliha Benli Altunışık, ‘The trajectory of a modified middle power: an attempt to make sense of Turkey’s foreign policy in its centennial’, Turkish Studies 24(3–4), (2023), p. 668.43 Bülent Aras, ‘Turkey’s state problem’, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 44(1), (2019), p. 3.44 Evren Balta, ‘From geopolitical competition to strategic partnership: Turkey and Russia after the Cold War’, Uluslararası İlişkiler 16(63), (2019), p. 69.45 ‘President Erdoğan: We will not allow the great and powerful Turkey to stagnate or decline’, TRT Haber, (25 August 2022).46 Kutlay and Öniş, ‘Turkish foreign policy in a post-western order’, pp. 1101–1102.47 ‘Greece buys six more Rafale fighter jets, frigates from France’, Reuters, (25 July 2022).48 Kutlay and Öniş, ‘Turkish foreign policy in a post-western order’, p. 1096.49 Ibid.50 E. Fuat Keyman, ‘Turkish foreign policy in the post-Arab Spring era: from proactive to buffer state’, Third World Quarterly 37(12), (2016), p. 2283.51 C. Edwin Baker, Media, Markets, and Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 125; Peter Arthur, ‘Democratic consolidation in Ghana: the role and contribution of the media, civil society and state institutions’, Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 48(2), (2010), p. 204.52 Marius Dragomir and Astrid Söderström, ‘The State of State Media, the Media and Journalism Research Center’, (2022), p. 42.53 Ibid., p. 12.54 Murat Akser and Banu Baybars-Hawks, ‘Media and democracy in Turkey: Towards a model of neoliberal media autocracy’, Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 5, (2012), p. 302.55 ‘Oil and gas gush out before every election’, Sözcü, (28 December 2022); ‘Statement from Erdoğan on natural gas discovery’, Bloomberg HT, (26 December 2022).56 ‘1 trillion dollar good news! ‘Gas sufficient for 50 years will be processed here’’, Milliyet, (27 December 2022); ‘Natural gas good news signal for Turkey! Exactly 110 billion cubic meters’, Star, (3 November 2022).57 Kutlay and Öniş, ‘Turkish foreign policy in a post-western order’, p. 1100.58 ‘To Kılıçdaroğlu who said, ‘What are we doing in Libya?’’, Takvim, (3 July 2022).59 ‘Emin Çölaşan, What are we doing in Libya?’, Sözcü, (14 March 2023).60 ‘Türkiye, Sweden and Finland signed a joint memorandum!’, A Haber, (7 March 2023).61 ‘Erdoğan left his mark on 2022’, Yeni Akit, (30 June 2022).62 ‘Meral went crazy when Turkey came out stronger from the table’, Yeni Akit, (30 June 2022).63 ‘Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu’, Twitter, (30 June 2022).64 Ibid.65 Ibid.66 ‘Prof Dr İlhan Uzgel: Contrary to propaganda, Erdoğan returned empty-handed’, Evrensel, (30 June 2022).67 ‘The law on amending the press law and some laws’, the Official Gazette, (18 October 2022).","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2267292","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"AREA STUDIES","Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Abstract

AbstractThis research investigates the relation between regional power policies of Turkey and the media strategy of President Erdoğan. After the coup attempt on July 15, 2016, the Justice and Development Party started to implement regional power policies, which are focusing on security affairs. The political power fell into the hands of the President. Regional power policies are used as a legitimised as a tool for the transition to authoritarianism. The main purpose of this transition is to suppress dissident voices by controlling the media. In this article, I argue that President Erdoğan uses regional power policies as a tool to control the national media. The President is trying to create the image of a world leader for himself by using the pro-government media companies. Turkey’s of natural gas, the Libya issue and the NATO Summit in Madrid will be discussed in terms of media’s perspectives.Keywords: Turkish foreign policyregional powerthe discourse of powerful Turkeydomestic politicsnational media Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Oliver Stuenkel, Post-Western World: How Emerging Powers Are Remaking Global Order (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2016), p. 8.2 Francis A. Kornegay and Sanusha Naidu, ‘BRICS in the post-liberal world order: A new agenda for cooperation? Perspectives from South Africa’, Strategic Analysis 43(6), (2019), pp. 632–635.3 Enes Bayraklı and Aslıhan Alkanat, ‘An analysis of European actors policies towards operation peace spring’, The Journal of Defence and War Studies 32(1), (2022), pp. 1–5.4 Ihsan Yilmaz, Mehmet Efe Caman and Galib Bashirov, ‘How an Islamist party managed to legitimate its authoritarianization in the eyes of the secularist opposition: the case of Turkey’, Democratization 27(2), (2020), p. 274.5 Duygu Karatas and Erkan Saka, ‘Online political trolling in the context of post-Gezi social media in Turkey’, International Journal of Digital Television 8(3), (2017), p. 393.6 Murat Akser and Banu Baybars, ‘Repressed media and illiberal politics in Turkey: the persistence of fear’, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 23(1), (2023), pp. 159–163.7 Mustafa Kutlay and Ziya Öniş, ‘Turkish foreign policy in a post-western order: strategic autonomy or new forms of dependence?’, International Affairs 97(4), (2021), pp. 1099–1100.8 Edward Wastnidge, ‘Imperial grandeur and selective memory: Re-assessing neo-Ottomanism in Turkish foreign and domestic politics’, Middle East Critique 28(1), (2019), pp. 12–24.9 Ibid., p. 20.10 Ibid., pp. 20–21.11 Kutlay and Öniş, ‘Turkish foreign policy in a post-western order’, pp. 1096–1099.12 Kutlay and Öniş, ‘Turkish foreign policy in a post-western order’, p. 1088.13 ‘Turkey’, Human Rights Watch, (10 February 2023).14 Ihsan Yilmaz and Galib Bashirov, ‘The AKP after 15 years: emergence of Erdoganism in Turkey’, Third World Quarterly 39(9), (2018), p. 1819.15 M. Hakan Yavuz and Ahmet Erdi Öztürk, ‘Turkish secularism and Islam under the reign of Erdoğan’, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 19(1), (2019), p. 1.16 Deniz Ülke Arıboğan, ‘The case of Hagia Sophia's opening to worship as an example of political ‘anamnesis’’, Journal of Economy Culture and Society 63, (2021), p. 45.17 ‘Hundreds of thousands offer first Friday prayer in Hagia Sophia in 86 years’, TRT World, (5 February 2023).18 Rahim Rahimov, ‘The Geopolitics of Sacralization: Turkey’s Reversion of the Hagia Sofia’, Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 15(2), (2021), p. 274.19 Ibid., p. 274.20 John J. Mearsheimer, ‘Bound to fail: The rise and fall of the liberal international order’, International Security 43(4), (Spring 2019), p. 7.21 ‘Evolution of BRICS’, BRICS, (27 July 2022).22 James R. Holmes and Toshi Yoshihara, ‘Deterring China in the ‘gray zone’: Lessons of the South China Sea for U.S. alliances’, Orbis 61(3), (2017), p. 332.23 Senem B. Çevik, ‘Reassessing Turkey’s soft power: The rules of attraction’, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 44(1), (2019), p. 50.24 Detlef Nolte, ‘How to compare regional powers: analytical concepts and research topics’, Review of International Studies 36, (2010), p. 890.25 Emel Parlar Dal, ‘Conceptualising and testing the ‘emerging regional power’ of Turkey in the shifting international order’, Third World Quarterly 37(8), (2016), p. 1427.26 Robert Stewart-Ingersoll and Derrick Frazier, ‘Regional Powers and Security Orders: A theoretical framework’, Oxon: Routledge, (2012), p. 11.27 Ibid., p. 11.28 Daniel Flemes, ‘Conceptualising regional power in international relations: Lessons from the South African case’, German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA): Working Papers 53, (June 2007), p. 11.29 Ziya Öniş, ‘Turkey and post-soviet states: Potential and limits of regional power influence’, Middle East Review of International Affairs 5(2), (2001), pp. 66–74; André Bank and Roy Karadag, ‘The political economy of regional power: Turkey under the AKP’, GIGA Research Unit: Institute of Middle East Studies 204, (2012), pp. 1–24; Şaban Kardaş, ‘Turkey: A regional power facing a changing international system’, Turkish Studies 14(4), (2013), pp. 637–660; Dal, ‘Conceptualising and testing the ‘emerging regional power’ of Turkey in the shifting international order’, pp. 1425–1453.30 Emel Poyraz and Melih Dinçer, ‘Public diplomacy activities of Turkey in the globalizing world’, Intermedia International e-Journal 3(4), (2016), p. 30.31 ‘GDP (current US$)’, World Bank, (2022).32 Dal, ‘Conceptualising and testing the ‘emerging regional power’ of Turkey in the shifting international order’, p. 21.33 Ibid., pp. 5–21.34 ‘Turkiye is significant regional power: Kremlin’, Anadolu Agency, (12 September 2022).35 ‘Ukraine: the head of French diplomacy in Turkey to ‘encourage’ it in its ‘positive’ action’, Le Figaro, (25 September 2022).36 Şaban Kardaş, ‘Turkey: A regional power facing a changing international system’, Turkish Studies 14(4), (2013), p. 656.37 Mitat Çelikpala, ‘Turkey as a regional power and the Caucasus’, Insight Turkey 9(2), (2007), p. 25; Ziya Öniş, ‘Turkey and the Arab revolutions: Boundaries of regional power influence in a turbulent Middle East’, Mediterranean Politics 19(2), (2014), p. 204.38 ‘President Erdoğan: ‘Türkiye is a global power’’, Hürriyet, (8 July 2022).39 ‘President Erdoğan: Turkey is improving its regional and global power position day by day’, TRT Haber, (11 July 2022).40 Berdal Aral, ‘‘The world ıs bigger than five’: A salutary manifesto of turkey’s new ınternational outlook’, Insight Turkey 21(4), (2019), p. 71.41 Ibid., p. 71.42 Meliha Benli Altunışık, ‘The trajectory of a modified middle power: an attempt to make sense of Turkey’s foreign policy in its centennial’, Turkish Studies 24(3–4), (2023), p. 668.43 Bülent Aras, ‘Turkey’s state problem’, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 44(1), (2019), p. 3.44 Evren Balta, ‘From geopolitical competition to strategic partnership: Turkey and Russia after the Cold War’, Uluslararası İlişkiler 16(63), (2019), p. 69.45 ‘President Erdoğan: We will not allow the great and powerful Turkey to stagnate or decline’, TRT Haber, (25 August 2022).46 Kutlay and Öniş, ‘Turkish foreign policy in a post-western order’, pp. 1101–1102.47 ‘Greece buys six more Rafale fighter jets, frigates from France’, Reuters, (25 July 2022).48 Kutlay and Öniş, ‘Turkish foreign policy in a post-western order’, p. 1096.49 Ibid.50 E. Fuat Keyman, ‘Turkish foreign policy in the post-Arab Spring era: from proactive to buffer state’, Third World Quarterly 37(12), (2016), p. 2283.51 C. Edwin Baker, Media, Markets, and Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 125; Peter Arthur, ‘Democratic consolidation in Ghana: the role and contribution of the media, civil society and state institutions’, Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 48(2), (2010), p. 204.52 Marius Dragomir and Astrid Söderström, ‘The State of State Media, the Media and Journalism Research Center’, (2022), p. 42.53 Ibid., p. 12.54 Murat Akser and Banu Baybars-Hawks, ‘Media and democracy in Turkey: Towards a model of neoliberal media autocracy’, Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 5, (2012), p. 302.55 ‘Oil and gas gush out before every election’, Sözcü, (28 December 2022); ‘Statement from Erdoğan on natural gas discovery’, Bloomberg HT, (26 December 2022).56 ‘1 trillion dollar good news! ‘Gas sufficient for 50 years will be processed here’’, Milliyet, (27 December 2022); ‘Natural gas good news signal for Turkey! Exactly 110 billion cubic meters’, Star, (3 November 2022).57 Kutlay and Öniş, ‘Turkish foreign policy in a post-western order’, p. 1100.58 ‘To Kılıçdaroğlu who said, ‘What are we doing in Libya?’’, Takvim, (3 July 2022).59 ‘Emin Çölaşan, What are we doing in Libya?’, Sözcü, (14 March 2023).60 ‘Türkiye, Sweden and Finland signed a joint memorandum!’, A Haber, (7 March 2023).61 ‘Erdoğan left his mark on 2022’, Yeni Akit, (30 June 2022).62 ‘Meral went crazy when Turkey came out stronger from the table’, Yeni Akit, (30 June 2022).63 ‘Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu’, Twitter, (30 June 2022).64 Ibid.65 Ibid.66 ‘Prof Dr İlhan Uzgel: Contrary to propaganda, Erdoğan returned empty-handed’, Evrensel, (30 June 2022).67 ‘The law on amending the press law and some laws’, the Official Gazette, (18 October 2022).

查看原文本刊更多论文

土耳其地区权力政策与总统媒体战略的关系Erdoğan

66 - 74;andr<s:1> Bank和Roy Karadag，“地区权力的政治经济:AKP下的土耳其”，GIGA Research Unit: Institute of Middle East Studies，(2012)，第1-24页;Şaban卡尔达伊，“土耳其:一个面临不断变化的国际体系的地区大国”，《土耳其研究》14(4)，(2013)，第637-660页;Dal，“在不断变化的国际秩序中对土耳其“新兴区域力量”的概念化和测试”，第1425-1453.30页Emel Poyraz和Melih dinraper，“土耳其在全球化世界中的公共外交活动”，Intermedia international电子杂志3(4)，(2016)，第30.31页“GDP(当前美元)”，世界银行，(2022).32Dal，“在不断变化的国际秩序中对土耳其“新兴地区力量”的概念化和测试”，第21.33页，同上，第5-21.34页，“土耳其是重要的地区力量:克里姆林宫”，阿纳多卢通讯社，(2022年9月12日)。35“乌克兰:法国驻土耳其外交部长鼓励其采取积极行动”，《费加罗报》，(2022年9月25日)。36 Şaban卡尔达伊，“土耳其:一个面临不断变化的国际体系的地区大国”，《土耳其研究》14(4)，(2013)，第656.37页。米塔Çelikpala，“土耳其作为一个地区大国和高加索地区”，《透视土耳其》9(2)，(2007)，第25页;Ziya Öniş，“土耳其和阿拉伯革命:动荡的中东地区权力影响的边界”，《地中海政治》19(2)，(2014)，第204.38页。“总统Erdoğan:“t<s:1> rkiye是一个全球大国”，h<s:1> rriyet，(2022年7月8日)。”39“总统Erdoğan:土耳其正在日益提高其地区和全球权力地位”，TRT Haber，(2022年7月11日)Berdal Aral，“世界ıs大于5”:土耳其新ınternational展望的有益宣言”，Insight turkey 21(4)， (2019)， p. 71.41同上，p. 71.42 Meliha Benli Altunışık，“修正的中等大国的轨迹:试图理解土耳其百年外交政策”，土耳其研究24(3-4)，(2023)，p. 668.43 brlent Aras，“土耳其的国家问题”，替代方案:全球，地方，政治44(1)，(2019)，第3.44页Evren Balta，“从地缘政治竞争到战略伙伴关系:冷战后的土耳其和俄罗斯”，uluslararasei İlişkiler 16(63)，(2019)，第69.45页“总统Erdoğan:我们不会允许伟大而强大的土耳其停滞或衰落”，TRT Haber，(2022年8月25日)。46Kutlay和Öniş，“后西方秩序下的土耳其外交政策”，第1101-1102.47页。“希腊从法国购买6架阵风战斗机和护卫舰”，路透社，(2022年7月25日)Kutlay和Öniş，“后西方秩序下的土耳其外交政策”，第1096.49页，同上50 E. Fuat Keyman，“后阿拉伯之春时代的土耳其外交政策:从主动到缓冲国”，第三世界季刊37(12)，(2016)，第2283.51页。Peter Arthur，“加纳的民主巩固:媒体、公民社会和国家机构的作用和贡献”，《联邦与比较政治》48(2)，(2010)，第204.52页。Marius Dragomir和Astrid Söderström，“国家媒体的状态，媒体和新闻研究中心”，(2022)，第42.53页，同上，第12.54页。《走向新自由主义媒体独裁模式》，《中东文化与传播杂志》第5期，(2012)，第302.55页，“每次选举前石油和天然气涌出”，Sözcü，(2022年12月28日);《Erdoğan关于天然气发现的声明》，Bloomberg HT，(2022年12月26日)。1万亿美元的好消息!“这里将处理足够使用50年的天然气”，Milliyet，(2022年12月27日);“天然气对土耳其来说是个好消息!”正好1100亿立方米，Star，(2022年11月3日)Kutlay和Öniş，“后西方秩序下的土耳其外交政策”，第1100.58页，致Kılıçdaroğlu，他说，“我们在利比亚做什么?， Takvim，(2022年7月3日)。Emin Çölaşan，我们在利比亚做什么?'， Sözcü，(2023年3月14日)。2006年8月，瑞典、芬兰和芬兰签署了一份联合备忘录!， A . Haber，(2023年3月7日)。61“Erdoğan在2022年留下了他的印记”，Yeni Akit，(2022年6月30日)。62叶尼·阿基特(Yeni Akit)， 2022年6月30日:“当土耳其强势出线时，梅拉尔发疯了。”63 ' Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu '， Twitter，(2022年6月30日)同上65同上66“教授博士İlhan Uzgel:与宣传相反，Erdoğan空手而归”，Evrensel，(2022年6月30日)。67《关于修改新闻法和一些法律的法律》，官方公报，(2022年10月18日)。

本文章由计算机程序翻译，如有差异，请以英文原文为准。

求助全文

约1分钟内获得全文求助全文

来源期刊

Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies Multiple-

自引率

0.00%

发文量