Who sends money home: Fiscal consequences of the territorial representation in Serbia

Dušan Vučićević, Dejan Bursać
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Abstract

The practice of political representatives trying to provide benefits to voters in their local communities is not new. The phenomenon is most often operationalized through financing of public works, projects, subsidies, direct transfers or social benefits, provided in order to increase the political ratings and ultimately ensure reelection. Although the practice is more pronounced in candidate-oriented electoral systems consisting of single-member districts, it can also be identified within the countries employing the proportional list system. The authors' intention is to examine a correlation between the local representation in the Serbian parliament and budgetary transfers and moreover a general level of local financing. For this purpose, data on the residence of MPs was compared with the levels of transfers, subsidies and amount of local expenditures, while the models are additionally controlled with various variables including size of municipality, development level, unemployment rate, share of elderly population, as well as other developmental and societal factors. The sample covered 145 cities and municipalities in Serbia, for a period from 2013 to 2021. The empirical results indicate that pork barrel practices are indeed present even in the environment of closed electoral lists with at-large single district, which does not create institutional incentives for the cultivation of personal vote. But even in Serbia, it seems that local politicians favor their places of residence by increasing the level of public investments. Consequently, municipalities without deputies will remain without financial benefits that parliamentary representation provides. We found that these practices are primarily accomplished through central level subsidies, but can also be identified in the amounts of local budgets and local expenditures. On the other hand, direct annual transfers from the higher levels of government are mostly fixed due to the exact legal criteria, exempting the interference of elected deputies on this particular financing mechanism.
谁把钱寄回家:塞尔维亚领土代表制的财政后果
政治代表试图为当地社区的选民提供利益的做法并不新鲜。这种现象通常是通过公共工程、项目、补贴、直接转移或社会福利的筹资来实现的,目的是提高政治支持率并最终确保再次当选。虽然这种做法在由单一成员选区组成的面向候选人的选举制度中更为明显,但在采用比例名单制度的国家中也可以发现这种做法。作者的意图是审查塞尔维亚议会的地方代表权与预算转移以及地方筹资的一般水平之间的相互关系。为此,将国会议员的居住数据与转移支付水平、补贴水平和地方支出金额进行了比较,而模型还受到各种变量的控制,包括市政规模、发展水平、失业率、老年人口比例以及其他发展和社会因素。该样本涵盖了2013年至2021年期间塞尔维亚的145个城市和直辖市。实证结果表明,即使在单一选区的封闭选举名单环境中,猪肉桶做法也确实存在,这不会为培养个人投票创造制度激励。但即使在塞尔维亚,当地政客似乎也通过增加公共投资水平来支持他们的居住地。因此,没有代表的市镇将继续得不到议会代表制所提供的财政利益。我们发现,这些做法主要是通过中央层面的补贴来实现的,但也可以在地方预算和地方支出的金额中发现。另一方面,由于确切的法律标准,从上级政府直接拨付的年度款项大多是固定的,从而免除了民选代表对这一特定筹资机制的干预。
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16 weeks
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