Three Conceptions of Civil War Politics

IF 0.2 4区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY
Bill Kissane
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

Three Conceptions of Civil War Politics Bill Kissane Until 1966, when Fianna Fáil's Jack Lynch became taoiseach, the politics of the Irish Republic were dominated by men who had become prominent in the War of Independence (1919–21) and the resulting Civil War (1922–23). There is nothing unusual about a revolutionary cohort continuing to dominate a new state in this way. That it could be a bone of contention is suggested by the character of Moran in John McGahern's novel Amongst Women. Moran asks of the independence struggle, "What did we get for it? A country, if you'd believe them. Some of our own johnnies in the top jobs instead of a few Englishmen."1 This veteran of both the War of Independence and the Civil War clearly suffered from postrevolutionary disillusionment. And Moran had a point. All taoisigh appointed before 1966 had been involved in the Civil War in some way. Later, Liam Cosgrave, chosen in 1973, and Garrett FitzGerald, chosen in 1981, as Fine Gael Taoisigh, were sons respectively of the president of the Executive Council and the minister of external affairs during the Civil War. Charles Haughey, taoiseach on three separate occasions between 1979 and 1992, was a son-in-law of Seán Lemass, who ended the Civil War in an internment camp and had been taoiseach between 1959 and 1966. Between 1973 and 1974 the president was Erskine Childers, whose father had been executed by the Provisional Government in October 1922. Evidently, Irish politics remained in the shadow of the Civil War for quite some time. The impact of the conflict on Irish political development has also long been an issue in Irish Studies. Most historians consider this impact to have been deep and traumatic. For Ronan Fanning Irish society "never escaped the bloody shadow cast at its birth."2 Fearghal [End Page 101] McGarry concluded that it is "difficult to overestimate the Civil War's impact."3 Niall Whelehan suggested that its "psychological impact" was "immense."4 When it comes to party politics specifically, the Civil War "shaped and structured the new party system."5 It both "froze the development of party politics in a unique mould"6 and "fixed attitudes in a way that would otherwise have been absorbed into the political system quite differently."7 Up to the formation of the current Fianna Fáil/Fine Gael coalition in 2020, the pattern established in the 1920s had been "difficult to shift."8 This article explores the impact of the Civil War on Irish party politics through a fresh look at an old concept, "civil-war politics." This concept has been used to characterize a specific style of politics emanating from the conflict and to convey a sense of its overall impact on Irish party politics. This article looks at the different ways in which the style of politics rooted in the Civil War allowed the larger two parties to fend off challengers and to dominate Irish politics for most of the twentieth century. The causality involved ran in two directions: the Civil War gave shape and structure to the party system, but since the leading parties were Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil, the issues raised by the Treaty were in turn perpetuated by civil-war politics.9 The focus here is on the period between 1922 and 1938, a time in which the emotion of the Irish independence movement was channelled into party political activity. Civil-war politics is one way of describing what this channelling involved. For some the problem was the bitterness that this process engendered. The Civil War mattered to party politics in three ways: in structuring the party system, in retaining the capacity to polarize the [End Page 102] electorate, and in engendering bitterness among the political elite. While politics was not altogether enveloped in this bitterness, scholars accept that political conflicts could easily lead to its expression, especially at election time. The emergence of a two-and-a-half party system after 1922 "ensured that the division would be intense and bitter."10 Moreover, the bitterness did not heal and "was all the more important for being felt by the...
内战政治的三个概念
直到1966年,共和党Fáil的杰克·林奇成为爱尔兰总理之前,爱尔兰共和国的政治都是由那些在独立战争(1919-21)和由此引发的内战(1922-23)中表现突出的人主导的。一群革命者继续以这种方式统治一个新国家,这没什么不寻常的。这可能是争论的焦点,这一点可以从约翰·麦格亨的小说《女人之间》中莫兰的角色中看出。莫兰在谈到独立斗争时说:“我们从中得到了什么?一个国家,如果你相信的话。让我们自己的人担任要职,而不是几个英国人。这位经历过独立战争和内战的老兵显然遭受了革命后的幻灭。莫兰说得有道理。1966年以前任命的所有爱尔兰议会议员都以某种方式卷入了内战。后来,1973年当选的利亚姆·科斯格雷夫(Liam Cosgrave)和1981年当选的加勒特·菲茨杰拉德(Garrett FitzGerald)分别是内战期间行政会议主席和外交部长的儿子。查尔斯·豪伊曾在1979年至1992年间三次担任爱尔兰总理,他是Seán Lemass的女婿,后者在一个拘留营结束了内战,并在1959年至1966年间担任爱尔兰总理。1973年至1974年间的总统是厄斯金·柴尔德斯,他的父亲在1922年10月被临时政府处决。显然,爱尔兰政治在相当长一段时间内仍处于内战的阴影之下。冲突对爱尔兰政治发展的影响也一直是爱尔兰研究中的一个问题。大多数历史学家认为这种影响是深刻而痛苦的。对罗南·范宁来说,爱尔兰社会“从未摆脱其诞生时投下的血腥阴影”。麦克加里总结说,“很难高估内战的影响。”尼尔·惠勒汉认为它的“心理影响”是“巨大的”。就政党政治而言,南北战争“塑造并构建了新的政党制度”。它既“以一种独特的模式冻结了政党政治的发展”,又“以一种固定的态度”,否则这种态度将以完全不同的方式被政治体系所吸收。直到2020年目前的共和党Fáil/统一党(Fine Gael)联合政府成立之前,上世纪20年代确立的模式一直“难以改变”。本文通过对“内战政治”这个古老概念的重新审视,探讨了内战对爱尔兰政党政治的影响。这个概念被用来描述冲突中产生的特定政治风格,并传达其对爱尔兰政党政治的总体影响。本文着眼于根植于内战的政治风格的不同方式,这种政治风格允许较大的两个政党抵御挑战者,并在20世纪的大部分时间里主导爱尔兰政治。所涉及的因果关系有两个方向:内战形成了政党制度,但由于主要政党是统一党和共和党Fáil,《条约》提出的问题反过来又因内战政治而长期存在本书的重点是1922年至1938年这段时间,在这段时间里,爱尔兰独立运动的情绪被引导到政党政治活动中。内战政治是描述这种渠道所涉及的一种方式。对一些人来说,问题是这个过程所产生的痛苦。内战对政党政治的影响体现在三个方面:政党制度的构建,选民分化的能力,以及政治精英之间的怨恨。虽然政治并没有完全笼罩在这种痛苦之中,但学者们承认,政治冲突很容易导致这种痛苦的表达,尤其是在选举期间。1922年后出现的两党半体制“确保了分裂将是激烈而痛苦的”。而且,这种痛苦并没有愈合,而且“更重要的是被……
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来源期刊
EIRE-IRELAND
EIRE-IRELAND HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY-
CiteScore
0.70
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
期刊介绍: An interdisciplinary scholarly journal of international repute, Éire Ireland is the leading forum in the flourishing field of Irish Studies. Since 1966, Éire-Ireland has published a wide range of imaginative work and scholarly articles from all areas of the arts, humanities, and social sciences relating to Ireland and Irish America.
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