Fireside Chat with Special Guests: Berklee Institute of Jazz and Gender Justice

IF 0.1 0 MUSIC
Robin D. G. Kelley
{"title":"Fireside Chat with Special Guests: Berklee Institute of Jazz and Gender Justice","authors":"Robin D. G. Kelley","doi":"10.1353/wam.2023.a912252","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Fireside Chat with Special GuestsBerklee Institute of Jazz and Gender Justice Robin D. G. Kelley Edited Transcription I’m honored to have this rare opportunity to be in conversation with the brilliant Terri Lyne Carrington and all of you. There is simply no institution, on any university campus, like the Berklee Institute of Jazz and Gender Justice. The idea of gender and jazz justice is something that we all have to rally around and embrace. It’s not for exclusive groups—it’s for the globe. I’m not the first or the last to make what should be an obvious point: that Black Feminist Thought is an interrogation into all forms of oppression and possibility. I say this not only because of Black women’s unique subject position, not just because Black women experience racism, gender, and class oppression and exclusion. Black Feminist Thought is not merely a reaction to oppression but an accumulation of lessons we as a people carried with us in order to survive and move forward. It was often left to women, femmes—particularly working-class Black women and femmes—who, at the grassroots level, had to figure out ways to survive and create a different future for all of us. It is not an accident that the established radical Black feminist organizations have embraced an anti-capitalist vision of the world, one that rejects all forms of gendered discrimination, exclusion, exclusivity, and the narrowing of possibility—including the narrowing of sexuality. This is not to say that Black feminism hasn’t struggled with its own contradictions, including the marginalization of lesbian, queer, and nonbinary communities, say, fifty years ago. Black feminism is also always in motion, and an abiding commitment to interrogate, address, and resolve contradictions and difficult challenges is its strength. But let’s return to the larger point—that Black feminism’s radical vision sought to create a different future of all of us. The Combahee River Collective Statement (1977) recognized that the emancipation of all humankind was made [End Page 62] possible by ending all forms of oppressions that affect Black women—around health care, the economy, violence—whether it’s gendered violence, intimate partner violence, or state violence. Their statement was not a call to grant Black women greater access to the existing system, or for race- and gender-integrated social democracy. Rather, they demanded a deeper disordering of racist, capitalist heteropatriarchy that required a remaking of the whole of life—production, reproduction, safety, pleasure, the right to bodily autonomy, everything. It argued that a nonracist, nonsexist society could not be created under capitalism, nor could socialism alone dismantle the structures of racial, gender, and sexual domination. The struggle wasn’t just the public fight in the streets or the public fight for representation, nor was it just socialism defined as providing resources in a very public way—decent jobs, collective labor.1 Put differently, the most expansive expressions of abolition come from Black feminists and feminists of color, because they have always had to think about all the ways that oppression limits their lives. So it stands to reason that there is no category of people excluded from a framework that is basically a Black feminist framework. This comes through clearly in Abolition. Feminism. Now., the new book by Angela Y. Davis, Gina Dent, Beth E. Richie, and Erica R. Meiners. They develop the concept of abolition feminism, based not just around the oppressions we deal with intersectionally but around a reimagining of what freedom looks like. And what freedom looks like for Black women is the best freedom of all. It is a freedom that can allow us to have free, great health care, no police, no prisons, an earth that can survive, and the end of the violence that all of us have to deal with differentially. In the arts, you’re dealing with racism, class oppression, and patriarchy.2 It’s always there. To eliminate patriarchy, structural racism, and class oppression is to create the possibility of new arts, a new flowering of the arts. To answer your question, Terri, I have to address the reason why faculty members and others can’t remember the...","PeriodicalId":40563,"journal":{"name":"Women and Music-A Journal of Gender and Culture","volume":"159 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1000,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Women and Music-A Journal of Gender and Culture","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/wam.2023.a912252","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"MUSIC","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

Fireside Chat with Special GuestsBerklee Institute of Jazz and Gender Justice Robin D. G. Kelley Edited Transcription I’m honored to have this rare opportunity to be in conversation with the brilliant Terri Lyne Carrington and all of you. There is simply no institution, on any university campus, like the Berklee Institute of Jazz and Gender Justice. The idea of gender and jazz justice is something that we all have to rally around and embrace. It’s not for exclusive groups—it’s for the globe. I’m not the first or the last to make what should be an obvious point: that Black Feminist Thought is an interrogation into all forms of oppression and possibility. I say this not only because of Black women’s unique subject position, not just because Black women experience racism, gender, and class oppression and exclusion. Black Feminist Thought is not merely a reaction to oppression but an accumulation of lessons we as a people carried with us in order to survive and move forward. It was often left to women, femmes—particularly working-class Black women and femmes—who, at the grassroots level, had to figure out ways to survive and create a different future for all of us. It is not an accident that the established radical Black feminist organizations have embraced an anti-capitalist vision of the world, one that rejects all forms of gendered discrimination, exclusion, exclusivity, and the narrowing of possibility—including the narrowing of sexuality. This is not to say that Black feminism hasn’t struggled with its own contradictions, including the marginalization of lesbian, queer, and nonbinary communities, say, fifty years ago. Black feminism is also always in motion, and an abiding commitment to interrogate, address, and resolve contradictions and difficult challenges is its strength. But let’s return to the larger point—that Black feminism’s radical vision sought to create a different future of all of us. The Combahee River Collective Statement (1977) recognized that the emancipation of all humankind was made [End Page 62] possible by ending all forms of oppressions that affect Black women—around health care, the economy, violence—whether it’s gendered violence, intimate partner violence, or state violence. Their statement was not a call to grant Black women greater access to the existing system, or for race- and gender-integrated social democracy. Rather, they demanded a deeper disordering of racist, capitalist heteropatriarchy that required a remaking of the whole of life—production, reproduction, safety, pleasure, the right to bodily autonomy, everything. It argued that a nonracist, nonsexist society could not be created under capitalism, nor could socialism alone dismantle the structures of racial, gender, and sexual domination. The struggle wasn’t just the public fight in the streets or the public fight for representation, nor was it just socialism defined as providing resources in a very public way—decent jobs, collective labor.1 Put differently, the most expansive expressions of abolition come from Black feminists and feminists of color, because they have always had to think about all the ways that oppression limits their lives. So it stands to reason that there is no category of people excluded from a framework that is basically a Black feminist framework. This comes through clearly in Abolition. Feminism. Now., the new book by Angela Y. Davis, Gina Dent, Beth E. Richie, and Erica R. Meiners. They develop the concept of abolition feminism, based not just around the oppressions we deal with intersectionally but around a reimagining of what freedom looks like. And what freedom looks like for Black women is the best freedom of all. It is a freedom that can allow us to have free, great health care, no police, no prisons, an earth that can survive, and the end of the violence that all of us have to deal with differentially. In the arts, you’re dealing with racism, class oppression, and patriarchy.2 It’s always there. To eliminate patriarchy, structural racism, and class oppression is to create the possibility of new arts, a new flowering of the arts. To answer your question, Terri, I have to address the reason why faculty members and others can’t remember the...
与特别嘉宾的炉边聊天:伯克利爵士与性别正义研究所
与特别嘉宾的炉边谈话伯克利爵士与性别正义研究所罗宾·d·g·凯利编辑的转录我很荣幸有这个难得的机会与才华横溢的特里·莱恩·卡灵顿和你们所有人交谈。在任何一所大学校园里,都没有像伯克利爵士与性别正义研究所这样的机构。性别和爵士乐正义的理念是我们所有人都必须团结起来,拥抱的东西。它不是为独家集团服务的,而是面向全球的。我不是第一个也不是最后一个提出一个显而易见的观点的人:黑人女权主义思想是对各种形式的压迫和可能性的拷问。我这么说不仅仅是因为黑人女性独特的主体地位,不仅仅是因为黑人女性经历了种族主义、性别、阶级压迫和排斥。黑人女权主义思想不仅仅是对压迫的反应,也是我们作为一个民族为了生存和前进而积累的经验。这往往是妇女、女性——尤其是工薪阶层的黑人妇女和女性——的任务,她们必须在基层找到生存的方法,为我们所有人创造一个不同的未来。建立起来的激进黑人女权主义组织接受了一种反资本主义的世界观,这种世界观反对一切形式的性别歧视、排斥、排他性和缩小可能性——包括缩小性取向——的做法,这并非偶然。这并不是说黑人女权主义没有与自身的矛盾作斗争,包括50年前女同性恋、酷儿和非二元群体的边缘化。黑人女权主义也一直在运动,对矛盾和困难挑战的质疑、回应和解决是其力量所在。但让我们回到更大的问题上——黑人女权主义的激进愿景试图为我们所有人创造一个不同的未来。《Combahee River集体声明》(1977)承认,只有结束影响黑人妇女的一切形式的压迫——包括医疗、经济、暴力——无论是性别暴力、亲密伴侣暴力还是国家暴力——才能使全人类的解放成为可能。他们的声明并不是呼吁给予黑人妇女更多的机会进入现有制度,也不是呼吁种族和性别融合的社会民主。相反,他们要求对种族主义、资本主义的异性父权制进行更深层次的混乱,要求对整个生活进行改造——生产、繁殖、安全、快乐、身体自主权,等等。它认为,在资本主义制度下不可能建立一个非种族主义、非性别歧视的社会,单靠社会主义也不可能摧毁种族、性别和性支配的结构。这场斗争不仅仅是街头的公众斗争或公众争取代表权的斗争,也不仅仅是社会主义定义的以一种非常公开的方式提供资源——体面的工作,集体劳动换句话说,对废奴运动最广泛的表达来自黑人女权主义者和有色人种女权主义者,因为他们总是不得不思考压迫对他们生活的各种限制。因此,没有任何一类人被排除在黑人女权主义框架之外,这是理所当然的。这在《废奴制度》中表现得很明显。女权主义。现在。这本新书由安吉拉·戴维斯、吉娜·登特、贝丝·e·里奇和艾丽卡·r·迈纳斯合著。她们发展了废奴女权主义的概念,不仅基于我们所面对的压迫,还基于对自由的重新想象。对黑人妇女来说,自由是最好的自由。这是一种自由,它可以让我们拥有免费的、良好的医疗保健,没有警察,没有监狱,一个可以生存的地球,结束我们所有人都必须以不同的方式应对的暴力。在艺术中,你面对的是种族主义、阶级压迫和父权制它总是在那里。消除父权制、结构性种族主义和阶级压迫,是创造新艺术的可能性,是艺术的新开花。为了回答你的问题,Terri,我必须说明为什么教职员工和其他人不能记住……
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
求助全文
约1分钟内获得全文 求助全文
来源期刊
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:604180095
Book学术官方微信