Roy Anthony Rogers, Wui Chern Liew, Jatswan Singh Sidhu
{"title":"The United States’ Myanmar policy after the 2021 military coup and its prospects under China–US strategic competition","authors":"Roy Anthony Rogers, Wui Chern Liew, Jatswan Singh Sidhu","doi":"10.1080/00927678.2023.2262354","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis article examines recent foreign policy of the United States (US) toward Myanmar in the aftermath of the military coup led by Min Aung Hlaing on February 1, 2021. In response to the coup, President Joe Biden imposed targeted sanctions on the responsible military leaders. Against the backdrop of rising tensions between the US and China, this article explores the future of US–Myanmar relations and a possible return to the previously strained relationship from 1994 to 2008. To investigate the motives behind the coup by the Tatmadaw and the responses of the US executive and legislative branches, this article utilizes a combination of document research and semi-structured interviews with retired diplomats, scholars, observers, and activists. The analysis concludes that the US will likely continue its targeted sanctions policy while maintaining diplomatic relations with Naypyidaw in order to maintain influence in Myanmar during the US–China strategic competition. The article also highlights the potential for a future deterioration of US–Myanmar relations.Keywords: Myanmar/BurmaUnited StatesChina factormilitary coup 2021targeted sanction AcknowledgementsThis research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for profit sectors. There are no conflicts of interest from any parties that may affect the objectivity of this work.Notes1 Nehginpao Kipgen, “The 2020 Myanmar Election and the 2021 Coup: Deepening Democracy or Widening Division?,” Asian Affairs 52, no. 1 (2021): 4–6, https://doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2021.1886429.2 Larry Jagan, “New Democracy Demands Unleashed,” Bangkok Post, November 12, 2020, https://www.bangkokpost.com/opinion/opinion/2018139/new-democracy-demands-unleashed.3 “Myanmar’s Purchase of Planes From Jordan a Sign of Things to Come,” The Irrawaddy, December 18, 2020, https://www.irrawaddy.com/opinion/analysis/myanmars-purchase-planes-jordan-sign-things-come.html; Ashiwini Deshpande, Thandar Hnin Khaing, and Tom Traill, “Future Development: Myanmar’s Response to the Covid-19 Pandemic,” Brookings, December 1, 2020, https://www.brookings.edu/blog/future-development/2020/12/01/myanmars-response-to-the-covid-19-pandemic/.4 Maung Aung Myoe, In the Name of Pauk-Phaw: Myanmar’s China Policy Since 1948 (Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2011), 168.5 Erin Murphy, Burmese Haze: US Policy and Myanmar’s Opening - and Closing (Michigan, US: Association for Asian Studies, 2022), 171–72.6 Olivia Enos, “Scaling Up the US Response to the Coup in Burma,” Backgrounder, no. 3629 (2021): 4, 6.7 Moe Thuzar, “Burma/Myanmar and the United States: The Dilemma of a Delicate Balance,” Asia Policy 16, no. 4 (2021): 141–42, https://doi.org/10.1353/asp.2021.0062.8 Alan P. Dobson and Steve Marsh, US Foreign Policy Since 1948: Making of the Contemporary World, 2nd ed. (New York, US: Routledge, 2006), 207–8.9 Ibid., 205, 210–11.10 David I. Steinberg, “Burma-Myanmar: The US-Burmese Relationship and Its Vicissitudes,” in Short of the Goal: U.S. Policy and Poorly Performing States, ed. Nancy Birdsall, Milan Vaishnav, and Robert L. Ayres (Washington, US: Center for Global Development, 2006), 223–24.11 Kenton Clymer, A Delicate Relationship: The United States and Burma/Myanmar Since 1945 (New York, US: Cornell University Press, 2015), 236–37.12 Ibid., 263, 271–72.13 Jürgen Haacke, “The United States and Myanmar: From Antagonists to Security Partners?,” Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 34, no. 2 (2015): 55–83, https://doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch6.14 Ibid.15 Nehginpao Kipgen, “US–Myanmar Relations: Change of Politics under the Bush and Obama Administrations,” in Myanmar: A Political History, ed. Nehginpao Kipgen (New Delhi, India: Oxford University Press, 2016), 111–12, https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof.16 Ibid.17 Su-Ann Oh and Philip Andrews-Speed, Chinese Investment and Myanmar’s Shifting Political Landscape (Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2015), 37.18 Michal Kolmaš and Šárka Kolmašová, “A ‘Pivot’ That Never Existed: America’s Asian Strategy under Obama and Trump,” Cambridge Review of International Affairs 32, no. 1 (2019): 7, https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2018.1553936.19 “US-Myanmar Policy Under Trump in the Spotlight With New Sanctions,” The Diplomat, July 18, 2019, https://thediplomat.com/2019/07/us-myanmar-policy-under-trump-in-the-spotlight-with-new-sanctions/.20 “Donald Trump Could Be Starting a New Cold War With China,” TIME, January 2017, https://time.com/4644775/donald-trump-china-trade-cold-war/; “A New Cold War Has Begun,” Foreign Policy, January 2019, https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/01/07/a-new-cold-war-has-begun/.21 David I. Steinberg and Hongwei Fan, Modern China-Myanmar Relations: Dilemmas of Mutual Dependence (Copenhagen, Denmark: NIAS Press, 2012), 360.22 Ibid., 361–63.23 Tin Maung Maung Than, “Myanmar and China: A Special Relationship?,” Southeast Asian Affairs 2003, 2003, 193–94.24 Ibid., 194–95.25 Myoe, In the Name of Pauk-Phaw: Myanmar’s China Policy Since 1948, 189–90.26 Ibid.27 Maung Aung Myoe, “The Logic of Myanmar’s China Policy,” Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 1, no. 3 (2016): 283–98, https://doi.org/10.1177/2057891116637476.28 Chiung Chiu Huang, “Balance of Relationship: The Essence of Myanmar’s China Policy,” Pacific Review 28, no. 2 (2015): 195, https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2014.995122.29 Enze Han, “Under the Shadow of China-US Competition: Myanmar and Thailand’s Alignment Choices,” Chinese Journal of International Politics 11, no. 1 (2018): 97, https://doi.org/10.1093/cjip/pox017.30 Renaud Egreteau and Larry Jagan, Soldiers and Diplomacy in Burma: Understanding the Foreign Relations of the Burmese Praetorian State (Singapore: NUS Press, 2013), 139.31 Robert H. Taylor, The State in Myanmar (London, UK: HURST Publishers Ltd, 2009).32 Ian Holliday, “Myanmar in 2012: Toward a Normal State,” Asian Survey 53, no. 1 (February 2013): 99–100, https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.1.93.33 Huang, “Balance of Relationship: The Essence of Myanmar’s China Policy,” 206.34 Andrea Passeri, “Myanmar’s Foreign Policy under the NLD Government: A Return to Negative Neutralism?,” Southeast Asian Affairs 2021, no. 1 (2021): 226, https://doi.org/10.1355/aa21-1m.35 Passeri, “Myanmar’s Foreign Policy under the NLD Government: A Return to Negative Neutralism?”36 Christopher Lamont, Research Methods in International Relations (London: SAGE Publications, 2015), 78–80.37 Victoria D. Alexander et al., “Mixed Methods,” in Researching Social Life, ed. Nigel Gilbert, 3rd ed. (London, 2008), 127.38 Lamont, 82.39 “Myanmar Junta Scraps Retirement Age for Its Leaders,” The Irrawaddy, May 20, 2021, https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/myanmar-junta-scraps-retirement-age-for-its-leaders.html.40 Simon Lewis, “Lobbyist Says Myanmar Junta Wants to Improve Relations with the West, Spurn China,” Reuters, March 7, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-myanmar-politics-lobbyist/lobbyist-says-myanmar-junta-wants-to-improve-relations-with-the-west-spurn-china-idUSKBN2AY0K0.41 Roger Lee Huang, “Myanmar’s Way to Democracy and the Limits of the 2015 Elections,” Asian Journal of Political Science 25, no. 1 (2017): 9, https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2016.1245154.42 Kimana Zulueta-Fulscher, “Looking Back at the Myanmar Constitution Amendment Process,” International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, April 8, 2020, https://www.idea.int/news-media/news/looking-back-myanmar-constitution-amendment-process.43 San Yamin Aung, “The Untouchable Articles in Myanmar’s Constitution,” The Irrawaddy, March 23, 2020, https://www.irrawaddy.com/specials/untouchable-articles-myanmars-constitution.html.44 David I. Steinberg, The Military in Burma/Myanmar: On the Longevity of Tatmadaw Rule and Influence, Trend in Southeast Asia (Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2021), 30, https://doi.org/10.1016/0305-750X(76)90032-2.45 Nyein Nyein, “Amending Myanmar’s Constitution: An Issue That Will Not Go Away,” The Irrawaddy, September 22, 2020, https://www.irrawaddy.com/opinion/analysis/amending-myanmars-constitution-issue-will-not-go-away.html.46 “Min Aung Hlaing Makes Himself Military Supremo for Life,” Myanmar Now, May 22, 2021, https://www.myanmar-now.org/en/news/min-aung-hlaing-makes-himself-military-supremo-for-life.47 Han, “Under the Shadow of China-US Competition: Myanmar and Thailand’s Alignment Choices,” 81–82.48 Tha Wah Saw, “Explaining Myanmar’s Foreign Policy Behavior: Domestic and International Factors” (Yangon, Myanmar, 2016), 9–10, https://doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.2.10195.07201.49 Ralph Jennings, “Myanmar, Though Suspicious of China, Edges Closer to Beijing for Safety,” Voice of America, December 25, 2019, https://www.voanews.com/east-asia-pacific/myanmar-though-suspicious-china-edges-closer-beijing-safety.50 斯 [Si] 洋 [Yang], “民众愤怒, 军人转向, 中国恐成缅甸政变的输家 [Public Anger, Military Turn Direction, Chinese Challenge after Military Coup],” 美国之声 [Voice of America], March 10, 2021, https://www.voachinese.com/a/china-Myanmar-west-03092021/5808091.html.51 Lewis, “Lobbyist Says Myanmar Junta Wants to Improve Relations with the West, Spurn China.”52 Scot Marciel, E-mail interview, December 15, 2020.53 Gwen Robinson, WhatsApp interview, April 3, 2021.54 Htet Aung Lin, Zoom interview, January 14, 2021.55 “United States Targets Leaders of Burma’s Military Coup Under New Executive Order,” US Department of the Treasury, February 11, 2021, https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy0024.56 “USAID Directs $42ml in Response to Military Coup in Myanmar,” The Business Standard, February 12, 2021, https://www.tbsnews.net/world/usaid-redirects-42ml-response-military-coup-myanmar-200716.57 Daphne Psaledakis and Simon Lewis, “US, Allies Coordinate New Sanctions on Myanmar Junta,” Reuters, May 17, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/us-imposes-fresh-sanctions-myanmar-junta-targets-governing-body-2021-05-17/.58 Erwida Maulia and Ismi Damayanti, “ASEAN ‘Consensus’ Urges Myanmar Junta to End Violence,” Nikkei Asia Review, April 24, 2021, https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Myanmar-Coup/ASEAN-consensus-urges-Myanmar-junta-to-end-violence; “Myanmar Junta Says No ASEAN Envoy Visit Until Stability Restored,” Reuters, May 7, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/myanmar-junta-says-seeks-stability-before-allowing-asean-envoy-visit-2021-05-07/.59 Bhavan Jaipragas, “UN Envoy Urges ASEAN to Act AS Myanmar Junta Ignores Consensus Plan,” South China Morning Post, May 25, 2021, https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/politics/article/3134804/un-envoy-urges-asean-act-myanmar-junta-ignores-consensus-plan.60 James M. Scott and Ralph G. Carter, “Acting on the Hill: Congressional Assertiveness in US Foreign Policy,” Congress and the Presidency 29, no. 2 (2002): 153, 166, https://doi.org/10.1080/07343460209507732.61 Dan Balz and Marianna Sotomayor, “Key Issues,” Washington Post, May 18, 2022, https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/interactive/2022/key-issues-voting-2022-midterms/.62 Nike Ching, “US: ‘All Options on Table’ to Punish Myanmar Junta Over Executions,” Voice of America, July 25, 2022, https://www.voanews.com/a/us-all-options-on-table-to-punish-myanmar-junta-over-executions-/6673458.html.63 Richard N. Haas, “Sanctioning Madness,” Foreign Affairs 76, no. 6 (1997): 74–85.64 “Public’s Top Priority for 2022: Strengthening the Nation’s Economy,” Pew Research Centre, February 16, 2022, https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2022/02/16/publics-top-priority-for-2022-strengthening-the-nations-economy/.65 Nina Silove, “The Pivot Before the Pivot: U.S. Strategy to Preserve the Power Balance in Asia,” International Security 40, no. 4 (2016): 45–46, https://doi.org/10.1162/ISEC.66 Tom Mitchell, “Prominent Chinese ‘Wolf Warrior’ Diplomat Moved to Obscure Role,” Financial Times, January 10, 2023, https://www.ft.com/content/5197c3ff-3864-4f38-9458-de9e48ea8888.67 Philip Mousavizadeh, “The Biden Administration’s China Policy: An Inventory of Actions to Address the Challenge,” Just Security, July 8, 2022, https://www.justsecurity.org/82252/the-biden-administrations-china-policy-an-inventory-of-actions-to-address-the-challenge/.68 Larry Jagan, Zoom interview, January 8, 2021.69 Han Enze, “China Does Not Like the Coup in Myanmar,” East Asia Forum, February 6, 2021, https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2021/02/06/china-does-not-like-the-coup-in-myanmar/.70 Shannon Tiezzi, “What the Myanmar Coup Means for China,” The Diplomat, February 3, 2021, https://thediplomat.com/2021/02/what-the-myanmar-coup-means-for-china/.71 Enze, “China Does Not Like the Coup in Myanmar.”72 Shantanu Roy-Chaudhury, “Myanmar: China’s Multi-Faceted Relations with Myanmar,” in The China Factor: Beijing’s Expanding Engagement in Sri Lanka, Maldives, Bangladesh, and Myanmar (New Delhi, India: Kalpana Shukla, 2022), 255.73 Lucas Myers, “Balancing Acts in US Southeast Asia Policy,” Wilson Centre: Asia Dispatchers, October 25, 2022, https://www.wilsoncenter.org/blog-post/balancing-acts-us-southeast-asia-policy.74 Ronald Findlay, Cyn Young Park, and Jean Pierre A. Verbiest, “Myanmar: Building Economic Foundations,” Asian-Pacific Economic Literature 30, no. 1 (2016): 45, https://doi.org/10.1111/apel.12133.75 Andrew Selth, Email interview, December 8, 2020.76 According to Freedom House, “liberal democracies” are defined as countries that possess both civil liberties and an electoral system, while \"partly free\" countries are characterized as having an electoral system but lacking civil liberties. Their survey shows a decline in the number of liberal democracies from 89 in 2008 to 58 in 2009.77 David I. Steinberg, “The United States and Myanmar: A ‘Boutique Issue’?,” International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-) 86, no. 1 (2010): 193.78 Htet Aung Lin, Zoom interview, January 14, 2021.79 Andrew Selth, Email interview, December 8, 2020.80 Larry Jagan, Zoom interview, January 8, 2021.81 Trevor Wilson, “Democratization in Myanmar and the Arab Uprisings,” in Democracy and Reform in the Middle East and Asia: Social Protest and Authoritarian Rule after the Arab Spring, ed. Saikal Amin and Acharya Amitav (London: I.B. Taurus, 2014), 188.82 Ibid., 187.83 Andrew Selth, Email interview, December 8, 2020.84 Thompson Chau and Dominic Oo, “Did China Deliver a Snub to Myanmar’s Military Regime?,” Aljazeera, January 11, 2023, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/1/11/beijing-delivers-subtle-snub-to-myanmars-military-regime; Passeri, “Myanmar’s Foreign Policy under the NLD Government: A Return to Negative Neutralism?”85 Myo Hein Ye and Lucas Myers, “Is Myanmar the Frontline of a New Cold War?,” Foreign Affairs, June 19, 2023, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/burma-myanmar/new-cold-war-hein-myers.86 “缅甸领导人敏昂莱会见秦刚 [Myanmar Leader Min Aung Hlaing Greets Qin Gang],” 中华人民共和国外交部 [Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the PRC], May 3, 2023, https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/wjbz_673089/bzzj/202305/t20230503_11069518.shtml.87 Heather Chen, “UN Expert Says Myanmar Imported $1 Billion in Arms since Coup,” CNN, May 19, 2023, https://edition.cnn.com/2023/05/18/world/un-myanmar-report-military-junta-deadly-arms-sales-russia-china-intl-hnk/index.html.88 “Cabinet Approves Additional Investment by ONGC Videsh Ltd.,” Press Information Bureau of Government of India, June 24, 2020, https://pib.gov.in/PressReleseDetail.aspx?PRID=1633915; Niranjan Marjani, “India Faces a Two-Front Challenge From Post-Coup Myanmar,” The Diplomat, April 26, 2023, https://thediplomat.com/2023/04/india-faces-a-two-front-challenge-from-post-coup-myanmar/.89 “Myanmar,” Enterprise Singapore, 2023, https://www.enterprisesg.gov.sg/grow-your-business/go-global/market-guides/southeast-asia/myanmar/overview.90 Baharudin Hariz, “S’pore Does Not Ban Trade with Myanmar, but Prevents Some Sale of Items That Can Hurt Civilians: Vivian,” The Straits Times, July 4, 2023, https://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/politics/s-pore-does-not-ban-trade-with-myanmar-but-prevents-sale-of-items-that-can-hurt-civilians-vivian.91 “Thailand to Host Meeting to ‘Fully Re-Engage’ Myanmar’s Generals,” Aljazeera, June 19, 2023, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/6/19/thailand-to-host-meeting-to-fully-re-engage-myanmars-generals.92 Wongcha-um Panu, Poppy Mcpherson, and Ananda Teresia, “Thailand Seeking to Re-Engage Myanmar Junta with ASEAN Meeting,” Reuters, June 17, 2023, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/thailand-seeking-re-engage-myanmar-junta-with-asean-meeting-letter-sources-2023-06-16/.93 Scot Marciel, Email interview, December 15, 2020; Derek Mitchell, Email interview, January 15, 2021.94 In Washington, the NLD formed a parallel government, the National Coalition Government (NCG), after the military rejected the 1990 election. Until its resolution in 2012, this government never received official recognition from the US and its allies.95 Grant Peck, “Myanmar Extends State of Emergency, Delaying Expected Polls,” Associated Press, February 2, 2023, https://apnews.com/article/politics-myanmar-government-min-aung-hlaing-a8feaa2812b09a95533efc9252194313.96 Gwen Robinson, WhatsApp interview, April 3, 2021.97 Jessica T. Mathews, “Present at the Re-Creation?,” Foreign Affairs: Decline and Fall: Can America Ever Lead Again? 100, no. 2 (2021): 13.98 Debbie Stothard, Zoom interview, January 19, 2021.Additional informationNotes on contributorsRoy Anthony RogersDr. Roy Anthony Rogers is Associate Professor in the Asia Europe Institute and the Department of International and Strategic Studies at University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. He can be contacted at rarogers@um.edu.myWui Chern LiewLiew Wui Chern is PhD candidate in Department of International and Strategic Studies at University of Malaya. He can be contacted at liewwuichern@gmail.comJatswan Singh SidhuDr. Jatswan S. Sidhu is Professor in the School of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences and Leisure Management, Taylor’s University in Subang Jaya, Malaysia. He can be contacted at jatswan.singh@taylors.edu.my","PeriodicalId":493036,"journal":{"name":"Asian Affairs: An American Review","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Asian Affairs: An American Review","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00927678.2023.2262354","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract
AbstractThis article examines recent foreign policy of the United States (US) toward Myanmar in the aftermath of the military coup led by Min Aung Hlaing on February 1, 2021. In response to the coup, President Joe Biden imposed targeted sanctions on the responsible military leaders. Against the backdrop of rising tensions between the US and China, this article explores the future of US–Myanmar relations and a possible return to the previously strained relationship from 1994 to 2008. To investigate the motives behind the coup by the Tatmadaw and the responses of the US executive and legislative branches, this article utilizes a combination of document research and semi-structured interviews with retired diplomats, scholars, observers, and activists. The analysis concludes that the US will likely continue its targeted sanctions policy while maintaining diplomatic relations with Naypyidaw in order to maintain influence in Myanmar during the US–China strategic competition. The article also highlights the potential for a future deterioration of US–Myanmar relations.Keywords: Myanmar/BurmaUnited StatesChina factormilitary coup 2021targeted sanction AcknowledgementsThis research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for profit sectors. There are no conflicts of interest from any parties that may affect the objectivity of this work.Notes1 Nehginpao Kipgen, “The 2020 Myanmar Election and the 2021 Coup: Deepening Democracy or Widening Division?,” Asian Affairs 52, no. 1 (2021): 4–6, https://doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2021.1886429.2 Larry Jagan, “New Democracy Demands Unleashed,” Bangkok Post, November 12, 2020, https://www.bangkokpost.com/opinion/opinion/2018139/new-democracy-demands-unleashed.3 “Myanmar’s Purchase of Planes From Jordan a Sign of Things to Come,” The Irrawaddy, December 18, 2020, https://www.irrawaddy.com/opinion/analysis/myanmars-purchase-planes-jordan-sign-things-come.html; Ashiwini Deshpande, Thandar Hnin Khaing, and Tom Traill, “Future Development: Myanmar’s Response to the Covid-19 Pandemic,” Brookings, December 1, 2020, https://www.brookings.edu/blog/future-development/2020/12/01/myanmars-response-to-the-covid-19-pandemic/.4 Maung Aung Myoe, In the Name of Pauk-Phaw: Myanmar’s China Policy Since 1948 (Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2011), 168.5 Erin Murphy, Burmese Haze: US Policy and Myanmar’s Opening - and Closing (Michigan, US: Association for Asian Studies, 2022), 171–72.6 Olivia Enos, “Scaling Up the US Response to the Coup in Burma,” Backgrounder, no. 3629 (2021): 4, 6.7 Moe Thuzar, “Burma/Myanmar and the United States: The Dilemma of a Delicate Balance,” Asia Policy 16, no. 4 (2021): 141–42, https://doi.org/10.1353/asp.2021.0062.8 Alan P. Dobson and Steve Marsh, US Foreign Policy Since 1948: Making of the Contemporary World, 2nd ed. (New York, US: Routledge, 2006), 207–8.9 Ibid., 205, 210–11.10 David I. Steinberg, “Burma-Myanmar: The US-Burmese Relationship and Its Vicissitudes,” in Short of the Goal: U.S. Policy and Poorly Performing States, ed. Nancy Birdsall, Milan Vaishnav, and Robert L. Ayres (Washington, US: Center for Global Development, 2006), 223–24.11 Kenton Clymer, A Delicate Relationship: The United States and Burma/Myanmar Since 1945 (New York, US: Cornell University Press, 2015), 236–37.12 Ibid., 263, 271–72.13 Jürgen Haacke, “The United States and Myanmar: From Antagonists to Security Partners?,” Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 34, no. 2 (2015): 55–83, https://doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch6.14 Ibid.15 Nehginpao Kipgen, “US–Myanmar Relations: Change of Politics under the Bush and Obama Administrations,” in Myanmar: A Political History, ed. Nehginpao Kipgen (New Delhi, India: Oxford University Press, 2016), 111–12, https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof.16 Ibid.17 Su-Ann Oh and Philip Andrews-Speed, Chinese Investment and Myanmar’s Shifting Political Landscape (Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2015), 37.18 Michal Kolmaš and Šárka Kolmašová, “A ‘Pivot’ That Never Existed: America’s Asian Strategy under Obama and Trump,” Cambridge Review of International Affairs 32, no. 1 (2019): 7, https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2018.1553936.19 “US-Myanmar Policy Under Trump in the Spotlight With New Sanctions,” The Diplomat, July 18, 2019, https://thediplomat.com/2019/07/us-myanmar-policy-under-trump-in-the-spotlight-with-new-sanctions/.20 “Donald Trump Could Be Starting a New Cold War With China,” TIME, January 2017, https://time.com/4644775/donald-trump-china-trade-cold-war/; “A New Cold War Has Begun,” Foreign Policy, January 2019, https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/01/07/a-new-cold-war-has-begun/.21 David I. Steinberg and Hongwei Fan, Modern China-Myanmar Relations: Dilemmas of Mutual Dependence (Copenhagen, Denmark: NIAS Press, 2012), 360.22 Ibid., 361–63.23 Tin Maung Maung Than, “Myanmar and China: A Special Relationship?,” Southeast Asian Affairs 2003, 2003, 193–94.24 Ibid., 194–95.25 Myoe, In the Name of Pauk-Phaw: Myanmar’s China Policy Since 1948, 189–90.26 Ibid.27 Maung Aung Myoe, “The Logic of Myanmar’s China Policy,” Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 1, no. 3 (2016): 283–98, https://doi.org/10.1177/2057891116637476.28 Chiung Chiu Huang, “Balance of Relationship: The Essence of Myanmar’s China Policy,” Pacific Review 28, no. 2 (2015): 195, https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2014.995122.29 Enze Han, “Under the Shadow of China-US Competition: Myanmar and Thailand’s Alignment Choices,” Chinese Journal of International Politics 11, no. 1 (2018): 97, https://doi.org/10.1093/cjip/pox017.30 Renaud Egreteau and Larry Jagan, Soldiers and Diplomacy in Burma: Understanding the Foreign Relations of the Burmese Praetorian State (Singapore: NUS Press, 2013), 139.31 Robert H. Taylor, The State in Myanmar (London, UK: HURST Publishers Ltd, 2009).32 Ian Holliday, “Myanmar in 2012: Toward a Normal State,” Asian Survey 53, no. 1 (February 2013): 99–100, https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.1.93.33 Huang, “Balance of Relationship: The Essence of Myanmar’s China Policy,” 206.34 Andrea Passeri, “Myanmar’s Foreign Policy under the NLD Government: A Return to Negative Neutralism?,” Southeast Asian Affairs 2021, no. 1 (2021): 226, https://doi.org/10.1355/aa21-1m.35 Passeri, “Myanmar’s Foreign Policy under the NLD Government: A Return to Negative Neutralism?”36 Christopher Lamont, Research Methods in International Relations (London: SAGE Publications, 2015), 78–80.37 Victoria D. Alexander et al., “Mixed Methods,” in Researching Social Life, ed. Nigel Gilbert, 3rd ed. (London, 2008), 127.38 Lamont, 82.39 “Myanmar Junta Scraps Retirement Age for Its Leaders,” The Irrawaddy, May 20, 2021, https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/myanmar-junta-scraps-retirement-age-for-its-leaders.html.40 Simon Lewis, “Lobbyist Says Myanmar Junta Wants to Improve Relations with the West, Spurn China,” Reuters, March 7, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-myanmar-politics-lobbyist/lobbyist-says-myanmar-junta-wants-to-improve-relations-with-the-west-spurn-china-idUSKBN2AY0K0.41 Roger Lee Huang, “Myanmar’s Way to Democracy and the Limits of the 2015 Elections,” Asian Journal of Political Science 25, no. 1 (2017): 9, https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2016.1245154.42 Kimana Zulueta-Fulscher, “Looking Back at the Myanmar Constitution Amendment Process,” International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, April 8, 2020, https://www.idea.int/news-media/news/looking-back-myanmar-constitution-amendment-process.43 San Yamin Aung, “The Untouchable Articles in Myanmar’s Constitution,” The Irrawaddy, March 23, 2020, https://www.irrawaddy.com/specials/untouchable-articles-myanmars-constitution.html.44 David I. Steinberg, The Military in Burma/Myanmar: On the Longevity of Tatmadaw Rule and Influence, Trend in Southeast Asia (Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2021), 30, https://doi.org/10.1016/0305-750X(76)90032-2.45 Nyein Nyein, “Amending Myanmar’s Constitution: An Issue That Will Not Go Away,” The Irrawaddy, September 22, 2020, https://www.irrawaddy.com/opinion/analysis/amending-myanmars-constitution-issue-will-not-go-away.html.46 “Min Aung Hlaing Makes Himself Military Supremo for Life,” Myanmar Now, May 22, 2021, https://www.myanmar-now.org/en/news/min-aung-hlaing-makes-himself-military-supremo-for-life.47 Han, “Under the Shadow of China-US Competition: Myanmar and Thailand’s Alignment Choices,” 81–82.48 Tha Wah Saw, “Explaining Myanmar’s Foreign Policy Behavior: Domestic and International Factors” (Yangon, Myanmar, 2016), 9–10, https://doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.2.10195.07201.49 Ralph Jennings, “Myanmar, Though Suspicious of China, Edges Closer to Beijing for Safety,” Voice of America, December 25, 2019, https://www.voanews.com/east-asia-pacific/myanmar-though-suspicious-china-edges-closer-beijing-safety.50 斯 [Si] 洋 [Yang], “民众愤怒, 军人转向, 中国恐成缅甸政变的输家 [Public Anger, Military Turn Direction, Chinese Challenge after Military Coup],” 美国之声 [Voice of America], March 10, 2021, https://www.voachinese.com/a/china-Myanmar-west-03092021/5808091.html.51 Lewis, “Lobbyist Says Myanmar Junta Wants to Improve Relations with the West, Spurn China.”52 Scot Marciel, E-mail interview, December 15, 2020.53 Gwen Robinson, WhatsApp interview, April 3, 2021.54 Htet Aung Lin, Zoom interview, January 14, 2021.55 “United States Targets Leaders of Burma’s Military Coup Under New Executive Order,” US Department of the Treasury, February 11, 2021, https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy0024.56 “USAID Directs $42ml in Response to Military Coup in Myanmar,” The Business Standard, February 12, 2021, https://www.tbsnews.net/world/usaid-redirects-42ml-response-military-coup-myanmar-200716.57 Daphne Psaledakis and Simon Lewis, “US, Allies Coordinate New Sanctions on Myanmar Junta,” Reuters, May 17, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/us-imposes-fresh-sanctions-myanmar-junta-targets-governing-body-2021-05-17/.58 Erwida Maulia and Ismi Damayanti, “ASEAN ‘Consensus’ Urges Myanmar Junta to End Violence,” Nikkei Asia Review, April 24, 2021, https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Myanmar-Coup/ASEAN-consensus-urges-Myanmar-junta-to-end-violence; “Myanmar Junta Says No ASEAN Envoy Visit Until Stability Restored,” Reuters, May 7, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/myanmar-junta-says-seeks-stability-before-allowing-asean-envoy-visit-2021-05-07/.59 Bhavan Jaipragas, “UN Envoy Urges ASEAN to Act AS Myanmar Junta Ignores Consensus Plan,” South China Morning Post, May 25, 2021, https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/politics/article/3134804/un-envoy-urges-asean-act-myanmar-junta-ignores-consensus-plan.60 James M. Scott and Ralph G. Carter, “Acting on the Hill: Congressional Assertiveness in US Foreign Policy,” Congress and the Presidency 29, no. 2 (2002): 153, 166, https://doi.org/10.1080/07343460209507732.61 Dan Balz and Marianna Sotomayor, “Key Issues,” Washington Post, May 18, 2022, https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/interactive/2022/key-issues-voting-2022-midterms/.62 Nike Ching, “US: ‘All Options on Table’ to Punish Myanmar Junta Over Executions,” Voice of America, July 25, 2022, https://www.voanews.com/a/us-all-options-on-table-to-punish-myanmar-junta-over-executions-/6673458.html.63 Richard N. Haas, “Sanctioning Madness,” Foreign Affairs 76, no. 6 (1997): 74–85.64 “Public’s Top Priority for 2022: Strengthening the Nation’s Economy,” Pew Research Centre, February 16, 2022, https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2022/02/16/publics-top-priority-for-2022-strengthening-the-nations-economy/.65 Nina Silove, “The Pivot Before the Pivot: U.S. Strategy to Preserve the Power Balance in Asia,” International Security 40, no. 4 (2016): 45–46, https://doi.org/10.1162/ISEC.66 Tom Mitchell, “Prominent Chinese ‘Wolf Warrior’ Diplomat Moved to Obscure Role,” Financial Times, January 10, 2023, https://www.ft.com/content/5197c3ff-3864-4f38-9458-de9e48ea8888.67 Philip Mousavizadeh, “The Biden Administration’s China Policy: An Inventory of Actions to Address the Challenge,” Just Security, July 8, 2022, https://www.justsecurity.org/82252/the-biden-administrations-china-policy-an-inventory-of-actions-to-address-the-challenge/.68 Larry Jagan, Zoom interview, January 8, 2021.69 Han Enze, “China Does Not Like the Coup in Myanmar,” East Asia Forum, February 6, 2021, https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2021/02/06/china-does-not-like-the-coup-in-myanmar/.70 Shannon Tiezzi, “What the Myanmar Coup Means for China,” The Diplomat, February 3, 2021, https://thediplomat.com/2021/02/what-the-myanmar-coup-means-for-china/.71 Enze, “China Does Not Like the Coup in Myanmar.”72 Shantanu Roy-Chaudhury, “Myanmar: China’s Multi-Faceted Relations with Myanmar,” in The China Factor: Beijing’s Expanding Engagement in Sri Lanka, Maldives, Bangladesh, and Myanmar (New Delhi, India: Kalpana Shukla, 2022), 255.73 Lucas Myers, “Balancing Acts in US Southeast Asia Policy,” Wilson Centre: Asia Dispatchers, October 25, 2022, https://www.wilsoncenter.org/blog-post/balancing-acts-us-southeast-asia-policy.74 Ronald Findlay, Cyn Young Park, and Jean Pierre A. Verbiest, “Myanmar: Building Economic Foundations,” Asian-Pacific Economic Literature 30, no. 1 (2016): 45, https://doi.org/10.1111/apel.12133.75 Andrew Selth, Email interview, December 8, 2020.76 According to Freedom House, “liberal democracies” are defined as countries that possess both civil liberties and an electoral system, while "partly free" countries are characterized as having an electoral system but lacking civil liberties. Their survey shows a decline in the number of liberal democracies from 89 in 2008 to 58 in 2009.77 David I. Steinberg, “The United States and Myanmar: A ‘Boutique Issue’?,” International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-) 86, no. 1 (2010): 193.78 Htet Aung Lin, Zoom interview, January 14, 2021.79 Andrew Selth, Email interview, December 8, 2020.80 Larry Jagan, Zoom interview, January 8, 2021.81 Trevor Wilson, “Democratization in Myanmar and the Arab Uprisings,” in Democracy and Reform in the Middle East and Asia: Social Protest and Authoritarian Rule after the Arab Spring, ed. Saikal Amin and Acharya Amitav (London: I.B. Taurus, 2014), 188.82 Ibid., 187.83 Andrew Selth, Email interview, December 8, 2020.84 Thompson Chau and Dominic Oo, “Did China Deliver a Snub to Myanmar’s Military Regime?,” Aljazeera, January 11, 2023, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/1/11/beijing-delivers-subtle-snub-to-myanmars-military-regime; Passeri, “Myanmar’s Foreign Policy under the NLD Government: A Return to Negative Neutralism?”85 Myo Hein Ye and Lucas Myers, “Is Myanmar the Frontline of a New Cold War?,” Foreign Affairs, June 19, 2023, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/burma-myanmar/new-cold-war-hein-myers.86 “缅甸领导人敏昂莱会见秦刚 [Myanmar Leader Min Aung Hlaing Greets Qin Gang],” 中华人民共和国外交部 [Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the PRC], May 3, 2023, https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/wjbz_673089/bzzj/202305/t20230503_11069518.shtml.87 Heather Chen, “UN Expert Says Myanmar Imported $1 Billion in Arms since Coup,” CNN, May 19, 2023, https://edition.cnn.com/2023/05/18/world/un-myanmar-report-military-junta-deadly-arms-sales-russia-china-intl-hnk/index.html.88 “Cabinet Approves Additional Investment by ONGC Videsh Ltd.,” Press Information Bureau of Government of India, June 24, 2020, https://pib.gov.in/PressReleseDetail.aspx?PRID=1633915; Niranjan Marjani, “India Faces a Two-Front Challenge From Post-Coup Myanmar,” The Diplomat, April 26, 2023, https://thediplomat.com/2023/04/india-faces-a-two-front-challenge-from-post-coup-myanmar/.89 “Myanmar,” Enterprise Singapore, 2023, https://www.enterprisesg.gov.sg/grow-your-business/go-global/market-guides/southeast-asia/myanmar/overview.90 Baharudin Hariz, “S’pore Does Not Ban Trade with Myanmar, but Prevents Some Sale of Items That Can Hurt Civilians: Vivian,” The Straits Times, July 4, 2023, https://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/politics/s-pore-does-not-ban-trade-with-myanmar-but-prevents-sale-of-items-that-can-hurt-civilians-vivian.91 “Thailand to Host Meeting to ‘Fully Re-Engage’ Myanmar’s Generals,” Aljazeera, June 19, 2023, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/6/19/thailand-to-host-meeting-to-fully-re-engage-myanmars-generals.92 Wongcha-um Panu, Poppy Mcpherson, and Ananda Teresia, “Thailand Seeking to Re-Engage Myanmar Junta with ASEAN Meeting,” Reuters, June 17, 2023, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/thailand-seeking-re-engage-myanmar-junta-with-asean-meeting-letter-sources-2023-06-16/.93 Scot Marciel, Email interview, December 15, 2020; Derek Mitchell, Email interview, January 15, 2021.94 In Washington, the NLD formed a parallel government, the National Coalition Government (NCG), after the military rejected the 1990 election. Until its resolution in 2012, this government never received official recognition from the US and its allies.95 Grant Peck, “Myanmar Extends State of Emergency, Delaying Expected Polls,” Associated Press, February 2, 2023, https://apnews.com/article/politics-myanmar-government-min-aung-hlaing-a8feaa2812b09a95533efc9252194313.96 Gwen Robinson, WhatsApp interview, April 3, 2021.97 Jessica T. Mathews, “Present at the Re-Creation?,” Foreign Affairs: Decline and Fall: Can America Ever Lead Again? 100, no. 2 (2021): 13.98 Debbie Stothard, Zoom interview, January 19, 2021.Additional informationNotes on contributorsRoy Anthony RogersDr. Roy Anthony Rogers is Associate Professor in the Asia Europe Institute and the Department of International and Strategic Studies at University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. He can be contacted at rarogers@um.edu.myWui Chern LiewLiew Wui Chern is PhD candidate in Department of International and Strategic Studies at University of Malaya. He can be contacted at liewwuichern@gmail.comJatswan Singh SidhuDr. Jatswan S. Sidhu is Professor in the School of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences and Leisure Management, Taylor’s University in Subang Jaya, Malaysia. He can be contacted at jatswan.singh@taylors.edu.my