Refoliating Vietnam in the Post-9/11 American Homeland: Debra Granik’s Leave No Trace

IF 0.2 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY
Kodai Abe
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Others immediately feared that it might be caused by nuclear weapons, and the collapses of the twin towers reminded them of the two mushroom clouds above Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The designation of “ground zero” soon followed. Thomas Franklin’s photograph of three firefighters raising an American flag on the rubble of the World Trade Center was shortlisted for a Pulitzer Prize, echoing Joe Rosenthal’s Pulitzer Prize–winning composition capturing US marines atop Iwo Jima during World War II. Such visual associations of 9/11 with other historical events often facilitated the reinforcing of American exceptionalism—the mythic idea that the United States is young, innocent, benign, and unique—through [End Page 199] strategic manipulation of the cultural contexts in which those images are represented to elicit specific affective reactions. Conjuring an array of traumatic American victimhood as well as its “good” and “just” use of military force, the United States secured national support for the reinvigoration of militarism under the aegis of the war on terror, thereby rationalizing, sanctifying, and perpetuating its violence. As Joseph Darda argues in examining 9/11 visual productions, the Bush administration manufactured “exceptionalist optics”; it succeeded in orchestrating our “unconscious optics” (per Walter Benjamin) when looking at 9/11 images such as Franklin’s so as to acknowledge and subscribe to American exceptionalism.1 National hegemonic discourses not only control how an event is mediatized but also condition and determine the ways in which we look at and react to events on the unconscious level. Against the post-9/11 resurgence of patriotism, many critics have made concerted efforts to exhume a buried national memory that most jeopardizes American exceptionalist discourse: the Vietnam War. Since the military defeat in Southeast Asia, the memory of Vietnam has remained a highly contested issue in talking about American politics and warfare. For conservatives, Vietnam is a trauma that Americans are suffering from, and it is imperative to forget or revise it in order for Americans to recover from it and move forward (to a new war); for liberals, the war must be remembered as nothing other than American violence inflicted upon people in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia, as a war that eloquently revealed that American exceptionalism has always served since the country’s establishment as a flagrant means of validating its use of force. As William Spanos argues in American Exceptionalism in the Age of Globalization, “the specter of Vietnam” is still haunting the post-9/11 American homeland security state,2 despite President George W. Bush’s endeavor to exorcise it through legislation of the Patriot Act in 2001 and the Homeland Security Act in 2002, among others. If the discourse and the affect surrounding the war on terror have been regulated via American exceptionalist visual legacies, how to look at the post-9/11 American homeland security state through an antiexceptionalist lens emerges as a challenge worth engaging. But what does it mean to “remember” the Vietnam War as a visual countermemory during and after the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, or elsewhere? How would it be possible for what Marianne Hirsch termed the “postmemory generation” to keep remembering the war that formally ended in 1975, to continue witnessing “the specter of Vietnam” still haunting the post-9/11 American homeland? What are the cultural and historical conditions of antiexceptionalist optics when it comes to representing Vietnam in the age of the [End Page 200] war on terror? More broadly, how can we talk about critical ways of visualizing countermemories? With these questions in mind, I examine Debra...","PeriodicalId":40808,"journal":{"name":"Discourse-Journal for Theoretical Studies in Media and Culture","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2000,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Discourse-Journal for Theoretical Studies in Media and Culture","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/dis.2023.a907672","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

Refoliating Vietnam in the Post-9/11 American Homeland: Debra Granik’s Leave No Trace Kodai Abe (bio) The spectacular images of terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001, evoked a variety of cultural and historical memories in regulating the shock. For most spectators all over the world, the conventional aesthetics of the Hollywood film, an American product par excellence, ironically served as the handiest framework to register the sublime event. Most Americans remembered the recent domestic terrorist bombing in Oklahoma City in 1995. The 9/11 attack, some observed, was the worst intelligence failure and a cunning surprise attack ever since Pearl Harbor. Others immediately feared that it might be caused by nuclear weapons, and the collapses of the twin towers reminded them of the two mushroom clouds above Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The designation of “ground zero” soon followed. Thomas Franklin’s photograph of three firefighters raising an American flag on the rubble of the World Trade Center was shortlisted for a Pulitzer Prize, echoing Joe Rosenthal’s Pulitzer Prize–winning composition capturing US marines atop Iwo Jima during World War II. Such visual associations of 9/11 with other historical events often facilitated the reinforcing of American exceptionalism—the mythic idea that the United States is young, innocent, benign, and unique—through [End Page 199] strategic manipulation of the cultural contexts in which those images are represented to elicit specific affective reactions. Conjuring an array of traumatic American victimhood as well as its “good” and “just” use of military force, the United States secured national support for the reinvigoration of militarism under the aegis of the war on terror, thereby rationalizing, sanctifying, and perpetuating its violence. As Joseph Darda argues in examining 9/11 visual productions, the Bush administration manufactured “exceptionalist optics”; it succeeded in orchestrating our “unconscious optics” (per Walter Benjamin) when looking at 9/11 images such as Franklin’s so as to acknowledge and subscribe to American exceptionalism.1 National hegemonic discourses not only control how an event is mediatized but also condition and determine the ways in which we look at and react to events on the unconscious level. Against the post-9/11 resurgence of patriotism, many critics have made concerted efforts to exhume a buried national memory that most jeopardizes American exceptionalist discourse: the Vietnam War. Since the military defeat in Southeast Asia, the memory of Vietnam has remained a highly contested issue in talking about American politics and warfare. For conservatives, Vietnam is a trauma that Americans are suffering from, and it is imperative to forget or revise it in order for Americans to recover from it and move forward (to a new war); for liberals, the war must be remembered as nothing other than American violence inflicted upon people in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia, as a war that eloquently revealed that American exceptionalism has always served since the country’s establishment as a flagrant means of validating its use of force. As William Spanos argues in American Exceptionalism in the Age of Globalization, “the specter of Vietnam” is still haunting the post-9/11 American homeland security state,2 despite President George W. Bush’s endeavor to exorcise it through legislation of the Patriot Act in 2001 and the Homeland Security Act in 2002, among others. If the discourse and the affect surrounding the war on terror have been regulated via American exceptionalist visual legacies, how to look at the post-9/11 American homeland security state through an antiexceptionalist lens emerges as a challenge worth engaging. But what does it mean to “remember” the Vietnam War as a visual countermemory during and after the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, or elsewhere? How would it be possible for what Marianne Hirsch termed the “postmemory generation” to keep remembering the war that formally ended in 1975, to continue witnessing “the specter of Vietnam” still haunting the post-9/11 American homeland? What are the cultural and historical conditions of antiexceptionalist optics when it comes to representing Vietnam in the age of the [End Page 200] war on terror? More broadly, how can we talk about critical ways of visualizing countermemories? With these questions in mind, I examine Debra...
在9/11后的美国国土上重新审视越南:黛布拉·格兰尼克的《不留痕迹》
2001年9月11日世界贸易中心恐怖袭击的壮观画面,在调节冲击的过程中唤起了各种文化和历史记忆。讽刺的是,对于世界上大多数观众来说,好莱坞电影的传统美学——美国最优秀的产品——成为了记录这一崇高事件的最方便的框架。大多数美国人还记得1995年发生在俄克拉荷马城的恐怖袭击事件。一些人认为,9/11袭击是自珍珠港事件以来最严重的情报失误和一次狡猾的突然袭击。其他人立即担心这可能是由核武器引起的,双子塔的倒塌让他们想起了广岛和长崎上空的两朵蘑菇云。不久,“归零地”的称号接踵而至。托马斯·富兰克林拍摄的三名消防员在世贸中心的废墟上升起美国国旗的照片入围了普利策奖,与乔·罗森塔尔获得普利策奖的作品相呼应,该作品拍摄了二战期间硫磺岛上的美国海军陆战队。这种将9/11事件与其他历史事件联系起来的视觉效果,往往有助于强化美国例外论——即美国年轻、天真、善良和独特的神话观念——通过对文化背景的战略性操纵,这些形象被呈现出来,以引发特定的情感反应。在反恐战争的庇护下,美国为军国主义的复兴争取了全国的支持,从而使其暴力行为合理化、神圣化和永久化。正如约瑟夫·达尔达(Joseph Darda)在研究9/11视觉作品时指出的那样,布什政府制造了“例外主义光学”;当我们看到像富兰克林这样的9/11照片时,它成功地协调了我们“无意识的光学”,从而承认并赞同美国例外论国家霸权话语不仅控制了事件如何被调解,而且还决定了我们在无意识层面上看待和反应事件的方式。针对9/11事件后爱国主义的复苏,许多批评人士齐心协力,挖掘出一段被埋没的国家记忆,这段记忆最可能危及美国例外论的话语:越南战争。自从在东南亚的军事失败以来,在谈论美国政治和战争时,对越南的记忆一直是一个备受争议的问题。对于保守派来说,越南是美国人正在遭受的创伤,为了让美国人从中恢复并向前迈进(一场新的战争),必须忘记或修正它;对于自由主义者来说,这场战争只能被铭记为美国对越南、老挝和柬埔寨人民施加的暴力,这场战争雄辩地表明,自美国建国以来,美国例外论一直是证明其使用武力的明目无耻的手段。正如威廉·斯帕诺斯(William Spanos)在《全球化时代的美国例外论》(American Exceptionalism in the Age of Globalization)一书中所言,“越南的幽灵”仍在9/11后的美国国土安全状态中挥之不去2,尽管乔治·w·布什(George W. Bush)总统试图通过2001年的《爱国者法案》(Patriot Act)和2002年的《国土安全法》(homeland security Act)等立法来驱除它。如果围绕反恐战争的话语和影响是通过美国例外论的视觉遗产来规范的,那么如何通过反例外论的视角来看待9/11后的美国国土安全状况,就成为一个值得参与的挑战。但是,在伊拉克战争、阿富汗战争或其他地方的战争期间和之后,“记住”越南战争作为视觉上的反记忆是什么意思?玛丽安·赫希(Marianne Hirsch)所说的“后记忆一代”怎么可能一直记得1975年正式结束的战争,继续目睹“越南的幽灵”仍在9/11后的美国本土徘徊?在反恐战争时代,反例外论的视角在代表越南时,其文化和历史条件是什么?更广泛地说,我们如何谈论可视化反记忆的关键方法?带着这些问题,我审视了黛布拉……
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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