The Rediscovery of America: Native Peoples and the Unmaking of U.S. History by Ned Blackhawk (review)

IF 0.2 Q4 HISTORY
David A. Nichols
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European-Americans built the United States, after all, with stolen labor on stolen land, and white settlers did sometimes direct the violence underlying those thefts against their governments (e.g. Bacon’s Rebellion, the Paxton riots, the Civil War). Ned Blackhawk, who begins his magisterial new history of Native North America with a critique of Lepore’s work (specifically her 2018 book These Truths), would prefer that his readers find in the insurrection of January 6th the shock of the familiar. From an Indigenous perspective the arc of American history bends not toward justice but toward violence. The title of Blackhawk’s first book, Violence over the Land (2006), could also summarize The Rediscovery of America’s account of early American history. Eastern Algonquians experienced subjugation and enslavement at the hands of Virginians and Puritans. In the eighteenth century violence toward Native peoples unified white settlers and mobilized them politically. The Revolution, Blackhawk argues, actually began with the outbreak of settler violence in 1760s Pennsylvania. The framers of the American Constitution abhorred frontier chaos, but their new nation-state planned to build its wealth from Native lands, and social order took a back seat to that imperative. A policy [End Page 183] based on treaties gave way to one of coercion, outsourced to aggressive state governments, and finally to one of ethnic cleansing, perpetrated by settler militias. After the Civil War, the national government enacted its “Peace Policy,” replacing the overt violence of the Plains Wars with the institutional violence of the reservation. The Interior Department used hunger and parental incarceration to force Indigenous children into boarding schools, where teachers stripped them of their language and identity. The Dawes Act (1887) broke up communally held lands into allotments, clearing the way for another round of land sales. The efficiency with which the U.S. government dispossessed and subju-gated Native Americans impressed its future adversaries, Imperial Japan and Nazi Germany. Even after fighting an apocalyptic war with those admirers, the United States gave Native peoples no relief. In the 1950s Congress and the BIA “terminated” the sovereignty of one hundred Indigenous nations, and until 1978, state welfare agencies offset the cost of aiding impoverished Native communities by seizing children, over 25 percent of all Indigenous children in the United States, and placing them with white foster families. The temporary restoration of tribal sovereignty in the 1970s was curtailed by the Supreme Court’s Suquamish decision (1978), and economic development stymied by the budget cuts of the 1980s. Blackhawk has no wish to make his magisterial history a “victimology.” Amidst the blood and trauma of the last four centuries, Native North Americans retained agency and resisted total defeat. In the Midwest and in the Pacific Northwest, Indigenous people defended their autonomy for generations with skillful diplomacy and the wealth they accumulated through trade. In the early twentieth century Native activists like Louise Kellogg helped found legal-rights organizations such as the Society of American Indians, and reformers like the Cloud family established institutes to preserve Indigenous stories and languages. What the author does not want to do is downplay the severe stress that colonization placed on all Indigenous peoples, nor suggest that Native American history had a “trajectory” [End Page 184] that propelled it toward recovery. By the start of the new millennium the Indigenous American struggle for land and sovereignty had proven inconclusive, and Native Americans had learned they could not rely on laws and policies that one president or Supreme Court decision could eliminate. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

Reviewed by: The Rediscovery of America: Native Peoples and the Unmaking of U.S. History by Ned Blackhawk David A. Nichols (bio) The Rediscovery of America: Native Peoples and the Unmaking of U.S. History. By Ned Blackhawk. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2023. Pp. 616. $35.00 cloth) After armed insurgents stormed the U.S. Capitol building on January 6, 2021, historian Jill Lepore told National Public Radio that “We are off the grid of the trajectory of American history.” Students of Native American history found Lepore’s remark puzzling. European-Americans built the United States, after all, with stolen labor on stolen land, and white settlers did sometimes direct the violence underlying those thefts against their governments (e.g. Bacon’s Rebellion, the Paxton riots, the Civil War). Ned Blackhawk, who begins his magisterial new history of Native North America with a critique of Lepore’s work (specifically her 2018 book These Truths), would prefer that his readers find in the insurrection of January 6th the shock of the familiar. From an Indigenous perspective the arc of American history bends not toward justice but toward violence. The title of Blackhawk’s first book, Violence over the Land (2006), could also summarize The Rediscovery of America’s account of early American history. Eastern Algonquians experienced subjugation and enslavement at the hands of Virginians and Puritans. In the eighteenth century violence toward Native peoples unified white settlers and mobilized them politically. The Revolution, Blackhawk argues, actually began with the outbreak of settler violence in 1760s Pennsylvania. The framers of the American Constitution abhorred frontier chaos, but their new nation-state planned to build its wealth from Native lands, and social order took a back seat to that imperative. A policy [End Page 183] based on treaties gave way to one of coercion, outsourced to aggressive state governments, and finally to one of ethnic cleansing, perpetrated by settler militias. After the Civil War, the national government enacted its “Peace Policy,” replacing the overt violence of the Plains Wars with the institutional violence of the reservation. The Interior Department used hunger and parental incarceration to force Indigenous children into boarding schools, where teachers stripped them of their language and identity. The Dawes Act (1887) broke up communally held lands into allotments, clearing the way for another round of land sales. The efficiency with which the U.S. government dispossessed and subju-gated Native Americans impressed its future adversaries, Imperial Japan and Nazi Germany. Even after fighting an apocalyptic war with those admirers, the United States gave Native peoples no relief. In the 1950s Congress and the BIA “terminated” the sovereignty of one hundred Indigenous nations, and until 1978, state welfare agencies offset the cost of aiding impoverished Native communities by seizing children, over 25 percent of all Indigenous children in the United States, and placing them with white foster families. The temporary restoration of tribal sovereignty in the 1970s was curtailed by the Supreme Court’s Suquamish decision (1978), and economic development stymied by the budget cuts of the 1980s. Blackhawk has no wish to make his magisterial history a “victimology.” Amidst the blood and trauma of the last four centuries, Native North Americans retained agency and resisted total defeat. In the Midwest and in the Pacific Northwest, Indigenous people defended their autonomy for generations with skillful diplomacy and the wealth they accumulated through trade. In the early twentieth century Native activists like Louise Kellogg helped found legal-rights organizations such as the Society of American Indians, and reformers like the Cloud family established institutes to preserve Indigenous stories and languages. What the author does not want to do is downplay the severe stress that colonization placed on all Indigenous peoples, nor suggest that Native American history had a “trajectory” [End Page 184] that propelled it toward recovery. By the start of the new millennium the Indigenous American struggle for land and sovereignty had proven inconclusive, and Native Americans had learned they could not rely on laws and policies that one president or Supreme Court decision could eliminate. Non-white Americans’ political gains have usually only come after a dispiritingly long struggle and have proven vulnerable to counteraction by the greedy and...
《重新发现美洲:原住民与美国历史的毁灭》作者:内德·布莱克霍克(书评)
书评:《美国的再发现:原住民与美国历史的毁灭》作者:内德·黑鹰大卫·a·尼科尔斯(传记)《美国的再发现:原住民与美国历史的毁灭》内德·黑鹰著。纽黑文:耶鲁大学出版社,2023。616页。2021年1月6日,武装叛乱分子袭击美国国会大厦后,历史学家吉尔·莱波尔对全国公共广播电台说:“我们脱离了美国历史的轨道。”研究美洲原住民历史的学生觉得莱波雷的话令人费解。毕竟,欧洲裔美国人是用偷来的劳动力在偷来的土地上建立美国的,白人定居者有时也会把这些盗窃背后的暴力指向他们的政府(例如培根叛乱、帕克斯顿骚乱、内战)。内德·黑鹰(Ned Blackhawk)以批评莱波雷(Lepore)的作品(特别是她2018年出版的《这些真相》(These Truths))开始了他的权威的北美原住民新历史,他更希望他的读者在1月6日的起义中发现熟悉的震惊。从土著的角度来看,美国历史的弧线不是向正义倾斜,而是向暴力倾斜。黑鹰的第一本书《土地上的暴力》(2006)的标题也可以概括美国早期历史的重新发现。东阿尔冈琴人经历了弗吉尼亚人和清教徒的征服和奴役。在18世纪,针对原住民的暴力统一了白人定居者,并在政治上动员了他们。黑鹰认为,革命实际上始于1760年代宾夕法尼亚州爆发的定居者暴力事件。美国宪法的制定者们憎恶边境的混乱,但他们的新民族国家计划从原住民的土地上积累财富,社会秩序让位于这一迫切需要。一项基于条约的政策让位给了一项强制政策,外包给咄咄逼人的州政府,最后是一项由定居者民兵实施的种族清洗。内战结束后,国民政府制定了“和平政策”,用保留地的制度性暴力取代了平原战争的公开暴力。内政部利用饥饿和父母监禁的手段迫使土著儿童进入寄宿学校,在那里,老师剥夺了他们的语言和身份。1887年的《道斯法案》(Dawes Act)将公有土地分割为土地分配,为另一轮土地出售扫清了道路。美国政府驱逐和征服印第安人的效率给它未来的对手,日本帝国和纳粹德国留下了深刻的印象。即使在与这些崇拜者进行了一场世界末日的战争之后,美国也没有给土著人民带来任何安慰。在20世纪50年代,国会和BIA“终止”了100个土著民族的主权,直到1978年,州福利机构通过抓住儿童(占美国所有土著儿童的25%以上)并将他们安置在白人寄养家庭来抵消援助贫困土著社区的费用。20世纪70年代部落主权的暂时恢复被最高法院的Suquamish决定(1978年)所限制,经济发展被20世纪80年代的预算削减所阻碍。黑鹰不希望把他的权威历史变成“受害者学”。在过去四个世纪的流血和创伤中,北美原住民保留了能动性,拒绝彻底失败。在中西部和太平洋西北地区,土著人民世世代代以娴熟的外交手段和通过贸易积累的财富来捍卫他们的自治权。20世纪初,像露易丝·凯洛格这样的土著活动家帮助建立了像美国印第安人协会这样的法律权利组织,像克劳德家族这样的改革者建立了保护土著故事和语言的机构。作者不想做的是淡化殖民对所有土著人民造成的严重压力,也不想暗示美洲土著的历史有一个推动其走向复苏的“轨迹”。在新千年之初,印第安人争取土地和主权的斗争被证明是没有结果的,印第安人已经认识到,他们不能依赖一个总统或最高法院的裁决就能废除的法律和政策。非白人美国人的政治利益通常是在经历了令人沮丧的长期斗争之后才获得的,而且很容易受到贪婪和……
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