The Lower Niger Bronzes: Beyond Igbo Ukwu, Ife, and Benin by Philip M. Peek

IF 0.3 3区 艺术学 0 ART
AFRICAN ARTS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI:10.1162/afar_r_00736
Raymond A. Silverman
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Though associated with different societies, their concentration in this circumscribed area, prompted questions about their histories and the relationships of the communities with which they are associated, questions that today are still largely unanswered. Who made them, when were they made, where did the material from which they were made come from, and how were they used in the societies with which they are associated?In 1963, the then keeper of the African collections of the British Museum, William Fagg, created the rubric “Lower Niger Bronze Industry” to differentiate this heterogenous group of artifacts from the better-known cuprous traditions of Igbo Ukwu, Benin, and Ife. He applied this appellation to fourteen objects that he had identified as possessing certain affinities. He speculated about their possible origins, considering when they were made and who made them, as well as their meanings in the societies in which they were documented. Over the last sixty years, the LNB corpus has expanded as more artifacts have been discovered, in the field but mostly in museum collections. During this time several scholars have grappled with this art historical enigma, but it is only recently that Philip Peek, a longtime specialist in the expressive cultures of southern Nigeria, has taken on the formidable task of sorting through the existing scholarship and material evidence associated with these provocative objects. The Lower Niger Bronzes: Beyond Igbo-Ukwu, Ife, and Benin, offers the first comprehensive study of this material. A warning, this book is not for the faint of heart. Though not a catalogue raisonné, it does examine a large representative sample from a corpus of over 1,000 objects and offers a deep dive into the analysis of this vast and varied body of metalwork, most carrying little if any provenance, to make sense of what it might tell us about the migration of people and things through time and space and the insights it might reveal concerning the precolonial histories of southern Nigeria. Peek presents prime examples of the full range of LNBs, effectively integrating sixty black-and-white and sixteen color photographs to buttress this impressive study.In a field (art history) that relies heavily on morphological analysis and identifying formal affinities as a means for establishing relationships among objects and the people who made them, it is ironic that one of the prime characteristics of this body of objects is its heterogeneity. Indeed, though Peek acknowledges the value of stylistic analysis for determining the origins of objects, he points out its limitations, especially in a region where people and things have been moving around for a very long time. Many of the bronzes are objets trouvés and often are not attributed to the ancestors of the people who found them, but to spirits. Ultimately, Peek argues that we are not dealing with a single “industry,” but with multiple “industries” that he and other scholars believe, in one way or another, share a common history and that there were multiple casting sites located throughout the region dating back to as early as the fifteenth century, if not earlier. One of the motivations for sorting out the origins of this diverse group of objects has been a belief that determining where and when they were made and how they might have moved through space and time might shed light on the histories of the region in which they are found. Though Peek's study certainly advances discourse in the field, he is the first to confess that, “Clearly, we are at best at the beginning of a very long search for meaning,” and that “the reconstruction of southern Nigerian cultural history by means of untethered bronze art works is a hazardous business” (p. 210). Indeed, his analyses of the evidence have generated more questions than answers. He, in effect, has transformed Fagg's fourteen-piece puzzle into one of over 1,000 pieces!The book begins with a thorough review of previous scholarship on the subject, in which Peek observes that the first LNBs were identified among the thousands of copper alloy objects that were looted by the British from Benin in 1897. In this context, their primary characteristic was a lack of formal affinity with objects that had been attributed to the cuprous casting practices of Benin. The LNBs, in fact, have received considerable attention, along with the better known “bronze” traditions of Benin, Ife, and Igbo Ukwu, relative to other Nigerian material practices. Nevertheless, as previously mentioned, Peek underscores that the evidence presents more questions than answers regarding specifically where and when these cuprous objects were made, as well as the contexts in which they may have been used.The book's 200-plus pages are arranged into fourteen chapters. The first chapter considers the origins of the study of the LBNs and reviews subsequent research to the present. The second presents a comprehensive synthesis of the ethnographic and historical sources that Peek surveyed to (re)construct context for the bronzes. In this chapter, he bemoans the dearth of archaeological research in southern Nigeria, research that undoubtedly would yield a better understanding of the LNBI. He also discusses ethnic diversity and the movement of both people and objects as factors complicating the process of reconstructing the histories of the LNBs, noting that both objects and metal casters have been quite mobile for centuries. Chapter 3 focuses on the potential that metallurgic analyses hold for understanding where and when these objects were made. Despite its potential, Peek is quick to point out that such a line of query is fraught with challenges associated with nomenclature, correlating metal content with sources, and the practice of recycling objects made from cuprous metals. After reading these three chapters, the principal take away is that trying to make sense of the LNBs ain't easy!The core chapters, 4 through 13, systematically examine each of the categories that Peek has delineated as comprising the LNBI, beginning with manillas and bracelets and ending with enigmatic objects that do not fit into any of the previous categories, including the well-known “Tsoede Bronzes.” The criteria he uses to define these categories is based on the forms the objects take and/or the contexts in which they are used. Most abundant are bells. But LNBs also include skeuomorphs of things made in other media; human and humanoid figures; heads, faces and costume masks; animal skulls; pendant plaques; and scepter finials. One of the most interesting categories of objects is considered in chapter 6. Here Peek examines a large and varied array of copper-alloy objects that includes over a dozen different types of items used in political and religious contexts in several societies in southern Nigeria. In Isoko and Urhobo communities they are referred to as ovo, among the Igbo as ofo, and as ovuo in Ijo communities. Though diverse, these artifacts share a common referent, the olo/ofo, a tree that has been ascribed with ritual significance throughout the region. Peek argues that their linguistic, formal, and iconographic affinities provide evidence of cultural interaction in past. Due to the brevity of this review, it is impossible to consider each of the chapters separately. May it suffice to point out that, taken as a whole, they successfully convey a mind-boggling array of forms and contexts of use. Indeed, the only characteristics all these objects have in common is their region of origin (southern Nigeria) and that they are cast from alloys of copper.I have few criticisms of the book. It would have been useful if Peek had introduced a bit of theory into his narrative, specifically that associated with how one approaches the reconstruction of history through analyses of material culture. For example, though he embraces the value and limitations of stylistic analysis and fully acknowledges the significance of deploying it in regional contexts, he might have engaged the work of art historians (e.g., Bravmann 1973, Kasfir 1984, and Frank 1987) who have considered this issue. Along similar lines, and perhaps even more relevant, is the writing of archaeologists (e.g., McIntosh 1989, MacEachern 1994) who have grappled with the notion of “symbolic reservoirs” that considers shared systems of symbols and beliefs within and between closely related societies in the distant past.Another minor concern is that the book has no index. The Lower Niger Bronzes no doubt will long stand as a vital reference work, as such, it would have been useful to include an index that would allow one to easily access the book's multitude of subjects.Perhaps the most important chapter in the book is the final one, titled, “The End Game: Possible Solutions for an Ongoing Puzzle,” in which Peek offers a summary of the preceding chapters and identifies the missing pieces of the “puzzle.” It does an excellent job describing an art historical problem, reviewing the evidence, and suggesting possible strategies for pursuing answers to the many questions that the Lower Niger Bronzes present the historian of visual culture. Anyone teaching an advanced course in African art and visual culture who is interested in introducing students to the process of how one interrogates a discrete body of material culture to construct an art historical argument might consider assigning this chapter.Peek's study is particularly important in an age when scholarship focused on the visual practices of Africa is dominated by writing on modern and contemporary art. To encounter a monograph that interrogates precolonial material culture is truly refreshing as it reveals the value of engaging in historical inquiry. In this regard, The Lower Niger Bronzes joins recent publications such as Kathryn Gunsch's The Benin Plaques (2020) as a must-read for all students of African art history.","PeriodicalId":45314,"journal":{"name":"AFRICAN ARTS","volume":"104 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3000,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"AFRICAN ARTS","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1162/afar_r_00736","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"ART","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

For the past sixty years, one of African art history's most intriguing “problems” has been sorting out the temporal and spatial relationships among a diverse corpus of cast copper alloy artifacts from southern Nigeria collectively known as the Lower Niger Bronze Industry (LNBI). As an undergraduate at UCLA in the early 1970s, I remember sitting in Arnold Rubin's survey of the arts of West Africa and listening to him speak about these enigmatic cuprous objects associated with various sites and societies situated in the region surrounding the confluence of the Niger and Benue rivers, artifacts that sometimes share formal characteristics, sometimes not. Some had been documented in situ, most were museum pieces with little or no provenance. Though associated with different societies, their concentration in this circumscribed area, prompted questions about their histories and the relationships of the communities with which they are associated, questions that today are still largely unanswered. Who made them, when were they made, where did the material from which they were made come from, and how were they used in the societies with which they are associated?In 1963, the then keeper of the African collections of the British Museum, William Fagg, created the rubric “Lower Niger Bronze Industry” to differentiate this heterogenous group of artifacts from the better-known cuprous traditions of Igbo Ukwu, Benin, and Ife. He applied this appellation to fourteen objects that he had identified as possessing certain affinities. He speculated about their possible origins, considering when they were made and who made them, as well as their meanings in the societies in which they were documented. Over the last sixty years, the LNB corpus has expanded as more artifacts have been discovered, in the field but mostly in museum collections. During this time several scholars have grappled with this art historical enigma, but it is only recently that Philip Peek, a longtime specialist in the expressive cultures of southern Nigeria, has taken on the formidable task of sorting through the existing scholarship and material evidence associated with these provocative objects. The Lower Niger Bronzes: Beyond Igbo-Ukwu, Ife, and Benin, offers the first comprehensive study of this material. A warning, this book is not for the faint of heart. Though not a catalogue raisonné, it does examine a large representative sample from a corpus of over 1,000 objects and offers a deep dive into the analysis of this vast and varied body of metalwork, most carrying little if any provenance, to make sense of what it might tell us about the migration of people and things through time and space and the insights it might reveal concerning the precolonial histories of southern Nigeria. Peek presents prime examples of the full range of LNBs, effectively integrating sixty black-and-white and sixteen color photographs to buttress this impressive study.In a field (art history) that relies heavily on morphological analysis and identifying formal affinities as a means for establishing relationships among objects and the people who made them, it is ironic that one of the prime characteristics of this body of objects is its heterogeneity. Indeed, though Peek acknowledges the value of stylistic analysis for determining the origins of objects, he points out its limitations, especially in a region where people and things have been moving around for a very long time. Many of the bronzes are objets trouvés and often are not attributed to the ancestors of the people who found them, but to spirits. Ultimately, Peek argues that we are not dealing with a single “industry,” but with multiple “industries” that he and other scholars believe, in one way or another, share a common history and that there were multiple casting sites located throughout the region dating back to as early as the fifteenth century, if not earlier. One of the motivations for sorting out the origins of this diverse group of objects has been a belief that determining where and when they were made and how they might have moved through space and time might shed light on the histories of the region in which they are found. Though Peek's study certainly advances discourse in the field, he is the first to confess that, “Clearly, we are at best at the beginning of a very long search for meaning,” and that “the reconstruction of southern Nigerian cultural history by means of untethered bronze art works is a hazardous business” (p. 210). Indeed, his analyses of the evidence have generated more questions than answers. He, in effect, has transformed Fagg's fourteen-piece puzzle into one of over 1,000 pieces!The book begins with a thorough review of previous scholarship on the subject, in which Peek observes that the first LNBs were identified among the thousands of copper alloy objects that were looted by the British from Benin in 1897. In this context, their primary characteristic was a lack of formal affinity with objects that had been attributed to the cuprous casting practices of Benin. The LNBs, in fact, have received considerable attention, along with the better known “bronze” traditions of Benin, Ife, and Igbo Ukwu, relative to other Nigerian material practices. Nevertheless, as previously mentioned, Peek underscores that the evidence presents more questions than answers regarding specifically where and when these cuprous objects were made, as well as the contexts in which they may have been used.The book's 200-plus pages are arranged into fourteen chapters. The first chapter considers the origins of the study of the LBNs and reviews subsequent research to the present. The second presents a comprehensive synthesis of the ethnographic and historical sources that Peek surveyed to (re)construct context for the bronzes. In this chapter, he bemoans the dearth of archaeological research in southern Nigeria, research that undoubtedly would yield a better understanding of the LNBI. He also discusses ethnic diversity and the movement of both people and objects as factors complicating the process of reconstructing the histories of the LNBs, noting that both objects and metal casters have been quite mobile for centuries. Chapter 3 focuses on the potential that metallurgic analyses hold for understanding where and when these objects were made. Despite its potential, Peek is quick to point out that such a line of query is fraught with challenges associated with nomenclature, correlating metal content with sources, and the practice of recycling objects made from cuprous metals. After reading these three chapters, the principal take away is that trying to make sense of the LNBs ain't easy!The core chapters, 4 through 13, systematically examine each of the categories that Peek has delineated as comprising the LNBI, beginning with manillas and bracelets and ending with enigmatic objects that do not fit into any of the previous categories, including the well-known “Tsoede Bronzes.” The criteria he uses to define these categories is based on the forms the objects take and/or the contexts in which they are used. Most abundant are bells. But LNBs also include skeuomorphs of things made in other media; human and humanoid figures; heads, faces and costume masks; animal skulls; pendant plaques; and scepter finials. One of the most interesting categories of objects is considered in chapter 6. Here Peek examines a large and varied array of copper-alloy objects that includes over a dozen different types of items used in political and religious contexts in several societies in southern Nigeria. In Isoko and Urhobo communities they are referred to as ovo, among the Igbo as ofo, and as ovuo in Ijo communities. Though diverse, these artifacts share a common referent, the olo/ofo, a tree that has been ascribed with ritual significance throughout the region. Peek argues that their linguistic, formal, and iconographic affinities provide evidence of cultural interaction in past. Due to the brevity of this review, it is impossible to consider each of the chapters separately. May it suffice to point out that, taken as a whole, they successfully convey a mind-boggling array of forms and contexts of use. Indeed, the only characteristics all these objects have in common is their region of origin (southern Nigeria) and that they are cast from alloys of copper.I have few criticisms of the book. It would have been useful if Peek had introduced a bit of theory into his narrative, specifically that associated with how one approaches the reconstruction of history through analyses of material culture. For example, though he embraces the value and limitations of stylistic analysis and fully acknowledges the significance of deploying it in regional contexts, he might have engaged the work of art historians (e.g., Bravmann 1973, Kasfir 1984, and Frank 1987) who have considered this issue. Along similar lines, and perhaps even more relevant, is the writing of archaeologists (e.g., McIntosh 1989, MacEachern 1994) who have grappled with the notion of “symbolic reservoirs” that considers shared systems of symbols and beliefs within and between closely related societies in the distant past.Another minor concern is that the book has no index. The Lower Niger Bronzes no doubt will long stand as a vital reference work, as such, it would have been useful to include an index that would allow one to easily access the book's multitude of subjects.Perhaps the most important chapter in the book is the final one, titled, “The End Game: Possible Solutions for an Ongoing Puzzle,” in which Peek offers a summary of the preceding chapters and identifies the missing pieces of the “puzzle.” It does an excellent job describing an art historical problem, reviewing the evidence, and suggesting possible strategies for pursuing answers to the many questions that the Lower Niger Bronzes present the historian of visual culture. Anyone teaching an advanced course in African art and visual culture who is interested in introducing students to the process of how one interrogates a discrete body of material culture to construct an art historical argument might consider assigning this chapter.Peek's study is particularly important in an age when scholarship focused on the visual practices of Africa is dominated by writing on modern and contemporary art. To encounter a monograph that interrogates precolonial material culture is truly refreshing as it reveals the value of engaging in historical inquiry. In this regard, The Lower Niger Bronzes joins recent publications such as Kathryn Gunsch's The Benin Plaques (2020) as a must-read for all students of African art history.
下尼日尔青铜器:超越伊博乌库乌、Ife和贝宁,作者:Philip M. Peek
在过去的60年里,非洲艺术史上最有趣的“问题”之一是整理来自尼日利亚南部的各种铸铜合金文物之间的时间和空间关系,这些文物被统称为下尼日尔青铜工业(LNBI)。20世纪70年代初,我还是加州大学洛杉矶分校的一名本科生,我记得坐在阿诺德·鲁宾(Arnold Rubin)对西非艺术的调查中,听他讲述这些神秘的铜色物品,这些物品与尼日尔河和贝努埃河交汇处周围地区的各种遗址和社会有关,这些文物有时具有共同的正式特征,有时则没有。有些是就地记录下来的,大多数是博物馆藏品,来源很少或根本没有。尽管他们与不同的社会有联系,但他们集中在这个受限制的地区,引发了关于他们的历史以及与他们有关的社区关系的问题,这些问题今天在很大程度上仍然没有答案。谁制造了它们,什么时候制造的,制造它们的材料来自哪里,以及它们在与之相关的社会中是如何使用的?1963年,当时大英博物馆非洲藏品的管理员威廉·法格(William Fagg)创建了“尼日尔下游青铜工业”的名称,以将这组异质文物与伊博乌库乌(Igbo Ukwu)、贝宁和伊夫(Ife)更为人所知的铜传统区分开来。他将这一称谓应用于十四件他认为具有某种亲和力的物品。他推测了它们可能的起源,考虑了它们是什么时候制造的,是谁制造的,以及它们在记录它们的社会中的意义。在过去的60年里,随着越来越多的文物被发现,LNB语料库已经扩大,在这个领域,但主要是在博物馆收藏。在此期间,几位学者一直在努力解决这个艺术史之谜,但直到最近,长期研究尼日利亚南部表现文化的专家菲利普·皮克(Philip Peek)才承担起了一项艰巨的任务,即整理与这些挑衅性物品有关的现有学术研究和物证。下尼日尔青铜器:超越伊博-乌库乌,Ife和贝宁,提供了这种材料的第一次全面研究。警告,这本书不适合胆小的人。虽然不是一个目录,但它确实从1000多件物品的语料库中检查了一个大的代表性样本,并对这个庞大而多样的金属制品体进行了深入的分析,其中大多数几乎没有任何来源,以理解它可能告诉我们的关于人和事物在时间和空间上的迁移,以及它可能揭示的关于尼日利亚南部前殖民历史的见解。Peek展示了全系列lnb的主要例子,有效地整合了60张黑白和16张彩色照片来支持这一令人印象深刻的研究。在一个严重依赖形态分析和确定形式亲和力的领域(艺术史)中,作为建立物体与制造它们的人之间关系的手段,具有讽刺意味的是,这一物体的主要特征之一是它的异质性。的确,尽管Peek承认风格分析对于确定物体起源的价值,但他指出了它的局限性,特别是在一个人和物已经移动了很长时间的地区。许多青铜器都是文物,通常不被认为是发现它们的人的祖先的遗物,而是神灵的遗物。最后,Peek认为我们不是在处理一个单一的“工业”,而是多个“工业”,他和其他学者认为,这些“工业”以这样或那样的方式共享一个共同的历史,并且整个地区有多个铸造地点,可以追溯到早在15世纪,如果不是更早的话。对这些不同物品的起源进行分类的动机之一是,人们相信,确定它们是在何时何地制造的,以及它们是如何在时空中移动的,可能会揭示它们被发现的地区的历史。虽然Peek的研究确实推动了该领域的讨论,但他是第一个承认,“显然,我们充其量只是在一个漫长的意义探索的开始”,并且“通过不受束缚的青铜艺术作品重建尼日利亚南部的文化史是一项危险的事业”(第210页)。事实上,他对证据的分析产生的问题多于答案。实际上,他已经把费格的14块拼图变成了1000多块拼图中的一块!这本书首先全面回顾了之前关于这个主题的学术研究,Peek在书中指出,1897年英国人从贝宁掠夺的数千件铜合金物品中,发现了第一批lnb。 在这种情况下,它们的主要特征是缺乏与被认为是贝宁铜铸造实践的物体的正式亲和力。事实上,LNBs与贝宁、Ife和Igbo Ukwu的“青铜”传统相比,受到了相当大的关注。然而,正如前面提到的,Peek强调,这些证据提出了更多的问题,而不是答案,特别是关于这些铜制品是在何时何地制造的,以及它们可能被使用的背景。这本200多页的书分为14章。第一章回顾了lbn研究的起源,并对后续研究进行了回顾。第二部分综合了皮克调查的民族志和历史资料,以(重新)构建青铜器的背景。在本章中,他哀叹奈及利亚南部考古研究的匮乏,而这些研究无疑会让我们更好地了解LNBI。他还讨论了种族多样性以及人和物体的运动,这些因素使重建LNBs历史的过程变得复杂,并指出几个世纪以来,物体和金属脚轮都是相当流动的。第3章着重于冶金分析在了解这些物品的制造地点和时间方面所具有的潜力。尽管有潜力,Peek很快指出,这样的查询充满了与命名法相关的挑战,将金属含量与来源联系起来,以及回收由铜金属制成的物体的实践。在阅读了这三章之后,主要的收获是试图理解lnb并不容易!核心章节,从第4章到第13章,系统地检查了Peek所描述的组成LNBI的每一个类别,从maniillas和手镯开始,以不属于任何先前类别的神秘物体结束,包括著名的“Tsoede青铜器”。他用来定义这些类别的标准是基于对象的形式和/或使用它们的上下文。最多的是铃铛。但lnb也包括在其他媒体上制作的事物的拟物;人类和类人人物;头、脸和化装面具;动物头骨;吊坠斑块;还有权杖的尾端。第6章讨论了最有趣的一类对象。在这里,Peek研究了大量不同种类的铜合金物品,其中包括在尼日利亚南部几个社会中用于政治和宗教背景的十几种不同类型的物品。在伊索科和乌尔霍布社区,他们被称为ovo,在伊博社区被称为ofo,在伊霍社区被称为ovuo。尽管种类繁多,但这些文物都有一个共同的参考对象,即olo/ofo,这是一种在整个地区都具有仪式意义的树。Peek认为他们在语言、形式和图像上的相似性为过去的文化互动提供了证据。由于这篇综述的简短性,不可能单独考虑每一章。我想指出的是,作为一个整体,它们成功地传达了一系列令人难以置信的使用形式和上下文。事实上,所有这些物品的唯一共同点是它们的原产地(尼日利亚南部)和它们是由铜合金铸造而成的。我对这本书没有什么意见。如果Peek在他的叙述中引入一些理论,特别是关于如何通过分析物质文化来重建历史的理论,那将会很有用。例如,虽然他接受风格分析的价值和局限性,并充分承认在区域背景下运用它的重要性,但他可能已经参与了艺术史学家的工作(例如,Bravmann 1973, Kasfir 1984和Frank 1987),他们已经考虑过这个问题。沿着类似的路线,也许更相关的是考古学家的著作(例如,McIntosh 1989, MacEachern 1994),他们努力研究“符号库”的概念,认为在遥远的过去,在密切相关的社会内部和之间共享符号和信仰系统。另一个小问题是这本书没有索引。《下尼日尔青铜器》无疑将长期作为一本重要的参考书,因此,如果包括一个索引,将使人们能够轻松地访问该书的众多主题,这将是有用的。也许书中最重要的一章是最后一章,标题为“结束游戏:持续谜题的可能解决方案”,Peek在其中总结了前面的章节,并指出了“谜题”中缺失的部分。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.50
自引率
33.30%
发文量
38
期刊介绍: African Arts is devoted to the study and discussion of traditional, contemporary, and popular African arts and expressive cultures. Since 1967, African Arts readers have enjoyed high-quality visual depictions, cutting-edge explorations of theory and practice, and critical dialogue. Each issue features a core of peer-reviewed scholarly articles concerning the world"s second largest continent and its diasporas, and provides a host of resources - book and museum exhibition reviews, exhibition previews, features on collections, artist portfolios, dialogue and editorial columns. The journal promotes investigation of the connections between the arts and anthropology, history, language, literature, politics, religion, and sociology.
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