“Clitic climbing” in Hittite

Q1 Arts and Humanities
Andrei V. Sideltsev
{"title":"“Clitic climbing” in Hittite","authors":"Andrei V. Sideltsev","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10026","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Cross-linguistically, clitic climbing occurs when clitics that belong syntactically and semantically to the subordinate clause (most commonly non-finite, rarely finite) appear in the main clause, i.e., they climb out of the subordinate clause into the main clause. In Hittite, prototypical clitic climbing is attested in two constructions: with non-finite predicates and finite restructuring verbs (Lyutikova & Sideltsev 2021b); and in serial constructions with the finite motion verbs pai - ‘go’ and uwa - ‘come’ co-occurring with another finite verb in the same clause (Koller 2013). In both of these cases, clitics climb out of complements of finite verbs. This paper explores yet another potentially relevant context for clitic climbing, a particular type of complex sentence that may be called ‘mismatch sentences’ (Sideltsev 2023). These involve three structurally distinct types of complex sentences which share one common property: they all have the same surface structure (1a) one word of the main clause (2) subordinate clause (1b) rest of the main clause . The enclitics of the subordinate clause are in (1a), so that they appear to climb out of the subordinate into the main clause. The enclitics of the main clause are consistently in the rest of the main clause (1b), never attached to the first word of the main clause (1a). Structurally, all these subordinate clauses adjoin to the main clause. This distribution of clitics is attested only if there is a one-word constituent in the main clause to the left of the subordinate clause. As movement out of adjoined clauses is held to be illicit in current linguistic theory, it is argued that, differently from prototypical clitic climbing, this is a purely post-syntactic reordering and does not involve any kind of syntactic movement of clitics out of the subordinate into the main clause: the structure one - word constituent of main clause — subordinate clause — main clause is always prosodically realized at the post-syntactic stage as subordinate clause — main clause .","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Indo-European Linguistics","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10026","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"Arts and Humanities","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1

Abstract

Abstract Cross-linguistically, clitic climbing occurs when clitics that belong syntactically and semantically to the subordinate clause (most commonly non-finite, rarely finite) appear in the main clause, i.e., they climb out of the subordinate clause into the main clause. In Hittite, prototypical clitic climbing is attested in two constructions: with non-finite predicates and finite restructuring verbs (Lyutikova & Sideltsev 2021b); and in serial constructions with the finite motion verbs pai - ‘go’ and uwa - ‘come’ co-occurring with another finite verb in the same clause (Koller 2013). In both of these cases, clitics climb out of complements of finite verbs. This paper explores yet another potentially relevant context for clitic climbing, a particular type of complex sentence that may be called ‘mismatch sentences’ (Sideltsev 2023). These involve three structurally distinct types of complex sentences which share one common property: they all have the same surface structure (1a) one word of the main clause (2) subordinate clause (1b) rest of the main clause . The enclitics of the subordinate clause are in (1a), so that they appear to climb out of the subordinate into the main clause. The enclitics of the main clause are consistently in the rest of the main clause (1b), never attached to the first word of the main clause (1a). Structurally, all these subordinate clauses adjoin to the main clause. This distribution of clitics is attested only if there is a one-word constituent in the main clause to the left of the subordinate clause. As movement out of adjoined clauses is held to be illicit in current linguistic theory, it is argued that, differently from prototypical clitic climbing, this is a purely post-syntactic reordering and does not involve any kind of syntactic movement of clitics out of the subordinate into the main clause: the structure one - word constituent of main clause — subordinate clause — main clause is always prosodically realized at the post-syntactic stage as subordinate clause — main clause .
赫梯语中的“Clitic攀登”
从跨语言的角度来看,当在句法和语义上属于从句(通常是非有限的,很少是有限的)的从句出现在主句中时,即它们从从句中爬到主句中。在赫梯语中,典型的爬坡在两种结构中得到证实:非有限谓语和有限结构动词(柳蒂科娃&Sideltsev 2021 b);在连续结构中,有限动作动词pai -“去”和uwa -“来”与另一个有限动作动词在同一子句中共同出现(Koller 2013)。在这两种情况下,限定词都是从有限动词的补语中爬出来的。本文探讨了另一种可能与clitic攀升相关的语境,一种特殊类型的复杂句子,可能被称为“错配句”(Sideltsev 2023)。这包括三种结构不同的复合句,它们有一个共同的特征:它们都有相同的表面结构(1a)主句的一个词(2)从句(1b)主句的其余部分。从句的词尾在(1a)中,所以它们看起来是从从句爬到主句的。主句的词尾始终在主句(1b)的其余部分,从不附在主句(1a)的第一个单词上。在结构上,所有这些从句都与主句相连。只有当主句在从句的左边有一个词构成成分时,才证明这种偏执词的分布。作为运动的附加条款是被非法在当前语言理论,它认为,不同于典型的附着的攀升,这是一个纯粹的post-syntactic重新排序,不涉及任何形式的句法运动的附著词的下属主要条款:结构字的组成部分主要条款-从句主要子句总是韵律学上实现post-syntactic阶段从句——主要条款。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
求助全文
约1分钟内获得全文 求助全文
来源期刊
Indo-European Linguistics
Indo-European Linguistics Arts and Humanities-History
CiteScore
1.10
自引率
0.00%
发文量
5
审稿时长
20 weeks
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术官方微信