South African Human Rights Commission obo South African Jewish Board of Deputies v Masuku: The rejection of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition

IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q3 LAW
Jeremy Phillips
{"title":"<i>South African Human Rights Commission obo South African Jewish Board of Deputies v Masuku:</i> The rejection of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition","authors":"Jeremy Phillips","doi":"10.1080/02587203.2023.2275311","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThe International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition of antisemitism is routinely invoked to silence legitimate criticism of the State of Israel. According to the definition, comparisons of Israel to apartheid South Africa are antisemitic. Authoritative and compelling research and reports, which conclude that Israel is an apartheid state, are thus regularly disregarded as antisemitic hate speech. This has severely restricted principled pro-Palestine activism and a just resolution of the conflict. But, in South Africa, for no longer. In the 2022 case of SAHRC v Masuku, the South African Constitutional Court, the country’s apex court, considered whether comments accusing Israel of discriminatory apartheid practices constitute antisemitic hate speech. The Constitutional Court held that it does not. This essay discusses the judgment and its implications on the constitutional validity and political relevance of the Alliance definition.Keywords: IsraelZionismantisemitismanti-ZionismInternational Holocaust Remembrance Alliance Disclosure statementNo conflict of interest was declared by the author.Notes1 M Sfard ‘The Israeli occupation of the West Bank and the crime of apartheid: Legal opinion by Adv. Michael Sfard’ (June 2020) Yesh Din Position Paper 57.2 Briefly, the main arguments advanced as to why Israel constitutes an ‘apartheid state’ is that its existence as a ‘Jewish homeland’, with preferential policies and practices towards Jewish citizens and the Jewish diaspora, is that the consequence thereof is that Palestinian land is expropriated and Palestinians are displaced on a mass scale as a result, Palestinians are unlawfully killed, and Palestinians’ civil liberties are severely curtailed. For more detailed discussion, see Sfard (note 1 above).3 Human Rights Watch ‘A threshold crossed: Israeli authorities and the crimes of apartheid and persecution’ (2021).4 Amnesty International ‘Israel’s apartheid against Palestinians: Cruel system of domination and crime against humanity’(2022).5 See U Ram ‘Critical studies of ethnic nationalism in Israel’ (2007) 2 Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 164.6 R Greenstein ‘Colonialism, apartheid and the native question: The case of Israel/Palestine’ in V Satgar (ed) Racism After Apartheid: Challenges for Marxism and Anti-Racism (2019) 75.7 D Gakunzi ‘Anti-Zionism and anti-semitism – African style’ (2017) 3/4 Jewish Political Studies Review 46; J Judaken ‘So what's new? Rethinking the “new antisemitism” in a global age’ (2008) 4/5 Patterns of Prejudice 531, 555; L Topor ‘The covert war: From BDS to de-legitimization to antisemitism’ (2021) 1 Israel Affairs 168, 175–176. Also see, for example: Anti-Defamation League ‘Allegation: Israel is an apartheid state’ (7 August 2021); K Mokgomole ‘I’m South Africa: Calling Israel “apartheid” puts the BS in BDS’ (28 April 2022) Jewish Report; D Horovitz ‘Amnesty’s “apartheid Israel” calumny’ (3 February 2022) The Times of Israel; S Linde ‘No comparison between Israel, South African apartheid’ (24 February 2022) The Jerusalem Post.8 ‘Anti-semitism’ Merriam-Webster Dictionary tenth ed. (1999). The same understanding of ‘antisemitism’ was adopted by the Broadcasting Complaints Tribunal of South Africa in the matter of Dinur v e.tv (2003) JOL 11645 (BCTSA).9 M Shain The Roots of Antisemitism in South Africa: Reconsiderations in Southern African History (1994); A Lindemann & R Levy Antisemitism: A History (2010).10 International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance ‘What is antisemitism? About the IHRSA non-legally binding working definition of antisemitism’.11 A Dershowitz The Case for Israel (2003); N Shelef Evolving Nationalism: Homeland, Identity and Religion in Israel 1925–2005 (2010); J Pritzker ‘How can I explain why Israel is important to the Jewish people’ The Israel Forever Foundation.12 J Fishman ‘“A disaster of another kind”: Zionism = racism, its beginning, and the war of delegitimization against Israel’ (2011) 3 Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 75; D Hirsh ‘Hostility to Israel and antisemitism: Toward a sociological approach’ (2013) 5 Journal for the Study of Antisemitism 1401.13 J Butler ‘No, it’s not antisemitic’ (2003) 16 London Review of Books; G Bindman ‘Criticizing Israel is not antisemitism’ (2019) 1 European Judaism 111; N Finkelstein Beyond Chutzpah: On the Misuse of Anti-Semitism and the Abuse of History (2005); J Zine, G Bird & S Matthews ‘Criticizing Israel is not antisemitic—it is academic freedom’ (15 November 2020) The Conversation.14 See, for example: ET Achiume (United Nations Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance) ‘Combating glorification of Nazism, neo-Nazism and other practices that contribute to fuelling contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance’ (2022) paras 74–76; AlJazeera ‘128 scholars ask UN not to adopt IHRA definition of anti-Semitism’ (3 November 2022).15 Sfard (note 1 above); Human Rights Watch (note 3 above); Amnesty International (note 4 above); Zochrot ‘Nakba map’; Jewish Voice for Peace ‘Facing the Nakba’; B’Tselem ‘Statement of solidarity: Israeli human rights and civil society organizations condemn attacks against al-haq’ (15 March 2016); Jewish Voice for Peace ‘40+ Jewish groups worldwide oppose equating antisemitism with criticism of Israel’ (17 July 2018).16 United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia ‘Israeli practices towards the Palestinian people and the question of apartheid: Palestine and the Israeli occupation’ (2017) Palestine and the Israeli Occupation; I Pappe The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (2006).17 South African Human Rights Commission obo South African Jewish Board of Deputies v Masuku 2022 (7) BCLR 850 (CC) (SAHRC v Masuku).18 Ibid paras 3–6. It should be noted, as it is of some relevance, the first statement was made as a blog post, whereas the second to fourth statements were all made at the rally at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg.19 For a detailed discussion, see: C Mansour ‘Reflections on the war on Gaza’ (2009) 4 Journal of Palestine Studies 91.20 The SAHRC is established in terms of ss 184 and 185 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, and the SAHRC Act 40 of 2013. It enjoys a range of powers and responsibilities. In this matter, the SAHRC acted in terms of s 13(3) of the SAHRC Act, ‘assisting a complainant and other persons affected thereby […] to secure redress’ by ‘bringing proceedings before a competent court […] on behalf of a person or a group or class of persons’.21 South African Jewish Board of Deputies/Bongani Masuku of Cosatu in re: Statement by Bongani Masuku of Cosatu (2009) file ref. no: GP/2009/0362 (SAHRC).22 The Equality Court is established by chapter 4 of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act 4 of 2000 (the Equality Act). In terms of s 21 of the Equality Act, the Equality Court is empowered to determine disputes related to unfair discrimination, hate speech or harassment.23 SAHRC obo SAJBD v Masuku (2017) JOL 38135 (EqCJ) paras 1–2. The test to determine whether a statement falls foul of s 10, and thus constitutes hate speech, per Qwelane v SAHRC 2021 (6) SA 579 (CC), at paras 96 – 97, is an ‘objective test that considers the facts and circumstances surrounding the expression, and not mere inferences or assumptions that are made by the targeted group’. Accordingly, the exercise to be conducted is whether a normative reasonable person, with regard to the surrounding political and social background, and the supporting constitutional rights including the rights to dignity and equality, would reasonably construe the statement to constitute hate speech. See: S v Mamabolo 2001 (3) SA 409 (CC); Islamic Unity Convention v Independent Broadcasting Authority 2002 (4) SA 294 (CC); Laugh It Off Promotions CC v South African Breweries International (Finance) BV t/a Sabmark International 2006 (1) SA 144 (CC); Economic Freedom Fighters v Minister of Justice and Correctional Services 2021 (2) SA 1 (CC).24 SAHRC obo SAJBD v Masuku (ibid) para 30.25 Ibid para 1.26 Ibid.27 The witnesses called by the SAHRC were: ‘Dr David Hirsch, a lecturer in Sociology at Goldsmiths University of London; Dr Gregory Stanton, a research professor and an expert on Judaism and Zionism; and Mr Benjamin Shullman, a lay person of Jewish origin, who attended the gathering at Wits where Mr Masuku gave the speech’ (see: Masuku v SAHRC obo SAJBD (2019) JOL 40675 (SCA) para 20).28 Ibid para 54. Buttressing this, counsel for the SAHRC argued that the centrality of Zionism to Jewish ethnicity is particularly so in South Africa, as ‘in the South African context, “Zionist” means “Jew” because the vast majority of South African Jews are Zionist’. See: I Chernick ‘High profile hate speech case heard in South Africa’s Constitutional Court’ (28 August 2019) Jerusalem Post.29 Note 23 above paras 13, 17.30 Director of the Centre of the Study for Democracy at the University of Johannesburg.31 SAHRC obo SAJBD v Masuku EqCJ (note 23 above) para 8.32 Ibid para 60.33 Ibid para 54.34 Ibid para 65.35 N Miltz ‘Cosatu’s Masuku must say sorry for hate speech’ (6 July 2017) Jewish Report; JTA ‘South African official Must Apologize for Hate Speech’ (30 June 2017) Times of Israel; TimesLive ‘Cosatu's Bongani Masuku Must Apologise for Comments Directed at SA Jews’ (29 June 2017).36 Masuku v SAHRC obo SAJBD SCA (note 27 above) para 12.37 Ibid paras 24–32.38 Ibid para 25.39 Ibid paras 15–23.40 I Chernick ‘High profile hate speech case heard in South Africa’s Constitutional Court’ (28 August 2019) Jerusalem Post.41 SAHRC v Masuku CC (note 17 above).42 Ibid paras 53–55.43 J Sharon ‘South Africa Chief Justice: Apartheid past can help foster Mideast peace’ (23 June 2020) Jerusalem Post.44 South African Jews for a Free Palestine ‘Mogoeng’s Palestine stance calls into question his role at the ConCourt’ (3 July 2020) Mail&Guardian; Judges Matter ‘The Mogoeng Mogoeng blowup: What judges say, does matter’ (2 July 2020) Daily Maverick; Staff Reporter ‘Even if 50 million people march, I will not apologise, says Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng’ (6 July 2020) IOL.45 Africa 4 Palestine / Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng (Ref: JSC/819/20); SA BDS Coalition/Mogoeng Mogoeng CJ (Ref: JSC/819/20); Women’s Cultural Group/Mogoeng Mogoeng CJ (Ref: JSC/827/20) 4 March 2021 (JCC).46 SAHRC v Masuku CC (note 17 above) paras 91–92.47 Ibid para 66.48 Although disavowed in her judgment (ibid para 74), it seems possible that Khampepe J may have been swayed by the fact that recusal would have rendered the court inquorate and necessitated a rehearing.49 Qwelane v SAHRC 2021 (6) SA 579 (CC).50 Ibid paras 155–157. In his judgment, with the support of the full bench, Majiedt J traversed each aspect of the s 10(1) inquiry in fine detail. Of particular salience is the correct interpretative approach to the section. In this regard, he found that the section is to be read conjunctively, instead of disjunctively. There is no indication in the text that favours either, however a disjunctive approach, he found, gives rise to an ‘overly extensive and impermissible infringement of freedom of expression’. In respect of ‘hurtful’ as a threshold for hate speech, included as the third prong of the inquiry, Majiedt J found that this unacceptably undercuts the constitutional protection of freedom of expression afforded by s 16(1) of the Constitution. Even on a conjunctive reading of the section, the term ‘hurtful’ is at the least superfluous when read together with the terms ‘harmful’ and ‘hateful’, as it is encompassed within both, and at the most, as an interpretative guide for the rest of the section, diminishes the notion of hate speech to include speech that is only offensive or shocking.51 SAHRC v Masuku CC (note 17 above) paras 122–130.52 Ibid para 2.53 Ibid paras 153, 165.54 Ibid para 156.55 K Polkehn ‘The secret contacts: Zionism and Nazi Germany, 1933-1941’ (1976) 3/4 Journal of Palestine Studies 54.56 Presumably, upon this finding, when the South African Union of Jewish Students’ chairperson shouted the words ‘Heil Hitler!’ during the rally, it also constituted antisemitic hate speech. One wonders why a complaint has not been referred against him for hate speech. See Masuku v SAHRC obo SAJBD SCA (note 27 above) para 29.57 SAHRC v Masuku CC (note 17 above) para 4.58 Ibid para 5.59 Ibid para 6.60 By the IHRA definition, this statement is antisemitic. Whether it is actually antisemitic is discussed below. Ibid para 165.61 SAHRC v Masuku CC (note 17 above) para 166.62 Ibid para 172.63 D Saks ‘“Death and life are in the tongue”: Lessons from the Bongani Masuku hate speech case’ (22 February 2022) Daily Maverick. See also: D Bilchitz ‘Inciting harm against those who hold opposing political views is undemocratic’ (27 August 2019) Daily Maverick.64 Hasbara is the Hebrew term for the State of Israel’s public diplomacy strategy and technique that often relies on propaganda and information warfare.65 S Friedman ‘The real trick to Bongani Masuku’s case’ (24 February 2022) New Frame.66 G Al Ghifari Lukman, O Sharif, M Scott-Cracknell, S Chaya Smith & J Walton ‘Defining antisemitism on UK campuses: Lived experiences of the IHRA definition’ (August 2021) Balfour Project; G Philo, D Miller & M Berry Bad News for Labour: Antisemitism, the Party and Public Belief (2019); L Klaff ‘Why Facebook must adopt the IHRA definition’ (15 October 2020) The Jewish Chronicle.67 Human Rights Watch ‘Human rights and other civil society groups urge United Nations to respect human rights in the fight against Antisemitism: Joint letter to UN Secretary-General António Guterres and Under Secretary-General Miguel Ángel Moratinos’ (3 April 2023); R Gould ‘The IHRA definition of antisemitism: Defining antisemitism by erasing Palestinians’ (2020) 4 The Political Quarterly 825; T Anderson ‘What’s wrong with the IHRA “working definition” of anti-Semitism?’ (29 January 2020) Black Agenda Report; C Balsam ‘Who’s against adopting the IHRA antisemitism definition?’ (9 December 2020) The Times of Israel.68 O Nahmias ‘10 US states adopt IHRA definition of antisemitism on Holocaust Remembrance Day’ (27 January 2022) Jerusalem Post; Z Klein ‘865 entities have adopted or endorsed IHRA definition of antisemitism’ (16 March 2022) Jerusalem Post.69 SAHRC v Masuku CC (note 17 above) para 6.70 Ibid para 21.71 The corollary to this statement is that the State of Israel discriminates against and oppresses the Palestinian people; in other words, it is an apartheid state. Similar existential charges are only a small step away.72 SAHRC v Masuku CC (note 17 above) para 172. It should be noted that, although the principle of stare decisis does not apply, the Broadcasting Complaints Commission of South Africa (BCCSA), in the matter of Kleynhans v SABC2 [2011] JOL 28154, reached a not dissimilar finding. In that matter, the BCCSA had to, inter alia, consider whether reference to Israel could be understood as a reference to Jewish people. The BCCSA, at para 5, disagreed that ‘the programme pertained to Jews in general. It [only] dealt with the tense situation in Israel, and also with the perceptions and frustrations of Ali, a Palestinian pacifist’.Additional informationNotes on contributorsJeremy PhillipsJeremy Phillips, associate, Cheadle Thompson & Haysom Inc","PeriodicalId":44989,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal on Human Rights","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3000,"publicationDate":"2023-11-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"South African Journal on Human Rights","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02587203.2023.2275311","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"LAW","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1

Abstract

AbstractThe International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition of antisemitism is routinely invoked to silence legitimate criticism of the State of Israel. According to the definition, comparisons of Israel to apartheid South Africa are antisemitic. Authoritative and compelling research and reports, which conclude that Israel is an apartheid state, are thus regularly disregarded as antisemitic hate speech. This has severely restricted principled pro-Palestine activism and a just resolution of the conflict. But, in South Africa, for no longer. In the 2022 case of SAHRC v Masuku, the South African Constitutional Court, the country’s apex court, considered whether comments accusing Israel of discriminatory apartheid practices constitute antisemitic hate speech. The Constitutional Court held that it does not. This essay discusses the judgment and its implications on the constitutional validity and political relevance of the Alliance definition.Keywords: IsraelZionismantisemitismanti-ZionismInternational Holocaust Remembrance Alliance Disclosure statementNo conflict of interest was declared by the author.Notes1 M Sfard ‘The Israeli occupation of the West Bank and the crime of apartheid: Legal opinion by Adv. Michael Sfard’ (June 2020) Yesh Din Position Paper 57.2 Briefly, the main arguments advanced as to why Israel constitutes an ‘apartheid state’ is that its existence as a ‘Jewish homeland’, with preferential policies and practices towards Jewish citizens and the Jewish diaspora, is that the consequence thereof is that Palestinian land is expropriated and Palestinians are displaced on a mass scale as a result, Palestinians are unlawfully killed, and Palestinians’ civil liberties are severely curtailed. For more detailed discussion, see Sfard (note 1 above).3 Human Rights Watch ‘A threshold crossed: Israeli authorities and the crimes of apartheid and persecution’ (2021).4 Amnesty International ‘Israel’s apartheid against Palestinians: Cruel system of domination and crime against humanity’(2022).5 See U Ram ‘Critical studies of ethnic nationalism in Israel’ (2007) 2 Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 164.6 R Greenstein ‘Colonialism, apartheid and the native question: The case of Israel/Palestine’ in V Satgar (ed) Racism After Apartheid: Challenges for Marxism and Anti-Racism (2019) 75.7 D Gakunzi ‘Anti-Zionism and anti-semitism – African style’ (2017) 3/4 Jewish Political Studies Review 46; J Judaken ‘So what's new? Rethinking the “new antisemitism” in a global age’ (2008) 4/5 Patterns of Prejudice 531, 555; L Topor ‘The covert war: From BDS to de-legitimization to antisemitism’ (2021) 1 Israel Affairs 168, 175–176. Also see, for example: Anti-Defamation League ‘Allegation: Israel is an apartheid state’ (7 August 2021); K Mokgomole ‘I’m South Africa: Calling Israel “apartheid” puts the BS in BDS’ (28 April 2022) Jewish Report; D Horovitz ‘Amnesty’s “apartheid Israel” calumny’ (3 February 2022) The Times of Israel; S Linde ‘No comparison between Israel, South African apartheid’ (24 February 2022) The Jerusalem Post.8 ‘Anti-semitism’ Merriam-Webster Dictionary tenth ed. (1999). The same understanding of ‘antisemitism’ was adopted by the Broadcasting Complaints Tribunal of South Africa in the matter of Dinur v e.tv (2003) JOL 11645 (BCTSA).9 M Shain The Roots of Antisemitism in South Africa: Reconsiderations in Southern African History (1994); A Lindemann & R Levy Antisemitism: A History (2010).10 International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance ‘What is antisemitism? About the IHRSA non-legally binding working definition of antisemitism’.11 A Dershowitz The Case for Israel (2003); N Shelef Evolving Nationalism: Homeland, Identity and Religion in Israel 1925–2005 (2010); J Pritzker ‘How can I explain why Israel is important to the Jewish people’ The Israel Forever Foundation.12 J Fishman ‘“A disaster of another kind”: Zionism = racism, its beginning, and the war of delegitimization against Israel’ (2011) 3 Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 75; D Hirsh ‘Hostility to Israel and antisemitism: Toward a sociological approach’ (2013) 5 Journal for the Study of Antisemitism 1401.13 J Butler ‘No, it’s not antisemitic’ (2003) 16 London Review of Books; G Bindman ‘Criticizing Israel is not antisemitism’ (2019) 1 European Judaism 111; N Finkelstein Beyond Chutzpah: On the Misuse of Anti-Semitism and the Abuse of History (2005); J Zine, G Bird & S Matthews ‘Criticizing Israel is not antisemitic—it is academic freedom’ (15 November 2020) The Conversation.14 See, for example: ET Achiume (United Nations Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance) ‘Combating glorification of Nazism, neo-Nazism and other practices that contribute to fuelling contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance’ (2022) paras 74–76; AlJazeera ‘128 scholars ask UN not to adopt IHRA definition of anti-Semitism’ (3 November 2022).15 Sfard (note 1 above); Human Rights Watch (note 3 above); Amnesty International (note 4 above); Zochrot ‘Nakba map’; Jewish Voice for Peace ‘Facing the Nakba’; B’Tselem ‘Statement of solidarity: Israeli human rights and civil society organizations condemn attacks against al-haq’ (15 March 2016); Jewish Voice for Peace ‘40+ Jewish groups worldwide oppose equating antisemitism with criticism of Israel’ (17 July 2018).16 United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia ‘Israeli practices towards the Palestinian people and the question of apartheid: Palestine and the Israeli occupation’ (2017) Palestine and the Israeli Occupation; I Pappe The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (2006).17 South African Human Rights Commission obo South African Jewish Board of Deputies v Masuku 2022 (7) BCLR 850 (CC) (SAHRC v Masuku).18 Ibid paras 3–6. It should be noted, as it is of some relevance, the first statement was made as a blog post, whereas the second to fourth statements were all made at the rally at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg.19 For a detailed discussion, see: C Mansour ‘Reflections on the war on Gaza’ (2009) 4 Journal of Palestine Studies 91.20 The SAHRC is established in terms of ss 184 and 185 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, and the SAHRC Act 40 of 2013. It enjoys a range of powers and responsibilities. In this matter, the SAHRC acted in terms of s 13(3) of the SAHRC Act, ‘assisting a complainant and other persons affected thereby […] to secure redress’ by ‘bringing proceedings before a competent court […] on behalf of a person or a group or class of persons’.21 South African Jewish Board of Deputies/Bongani Masuku of Cosatu in re: Statement by Bongani Masuku of Cosatu (2009) file ref. no: GP/2009/0362 (SAHRC).22 The Equality Court is established by chapter 4 of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act 4 of 2000 (the Equality Act). In terms of s 21 of the Equality Act, the Equality Court is empowered to determine disputes related to unfair discrimination, hate speech or harassment.23 SAHRC obo SAJBD v Masuku (2017) JOL 38135 (EqCJ) paras 1–2. The test to determine whether a statement falls foul of s 10, and thus constitutes hate speech, per Qwelane v SAHRC 2021 (6) SA 579 (CC), at paras 96 – 97, is an ‘objective test that considers the facts and circumstances surrounding the expression, and not mere inferences or assumptions that are made by the targeted group’. Accordingly, the exercise to be conducted is whether a normative reasonable person, with regard to the surrounding political and social background, and the supporting constitutional rights including the rights to dignity and equality, would reasonably construe the statement to constitute hate speech. See: S v Mamabolo 2001 (3) SA 409 (CC); Islamic Unity Convention v Independent Broadcasting Authority 2002 (4) SA 294 (CC); Laugh It Off Promotions CC v South African Breweries International (Finance) BV t/a Sabmark International 2006 (1) SA 144 (CC); Economic Freedom Fighters v Minister of Justice and Correctional Services 2021 (2) SA 1 (CC).24 SAHRC obo SAJBD v Masuku (ibid) para 30.25 Ibid para 1.26 Ibid.27 The witnesses called by the SAHRC were: ‘Dr David Hirsch, a lecturer in Sociology at Goldsmiths University of London; Dr Gregory Stanton, a research professor and an expert on Judaism and Zionism; and Mr Benjamin Shullman, a lay person of Jewish origin, who attended the gathering at Wits where Mr Masuku gave the speech’ (see: Masuku v SAHRC obo SAJBD (2019) JOL 40675 (SCA) para 20).28 Ibid para 54. Buttressing this, counsel for the SAHRC argued that the centrality of Zionism to Jewish ethnicity is particularly so in South Africa, as ‘in the South African context, “Zionist” means “Jew” because the vast majority of South African Jews are Zionist’. See: I Chernick ‘High profile hate speech case heard in South Africa’s Constitutional Court’ (28 August 2019) Jerusalem Post.29 Note 23 above paras 13, 17.30 Director of the Centre of the Study for Democracy at the University of Johannesburg.31 SAHRC obo SAJBD v Masuku EqCJ (note 23 above) para 8.32 Ibid para 60.33 Ibid para 54.34 Ibid para 65.35 N Miltz ‘Cosatu’s Masuku must say sorry for hate speech’ (6 July 2017) Jewish Report; JTA ‘South African official Must Apologize for Hate Speech’ (30 June 2017) Times of Israel; TimesLive ‘Cosatu's Bongani Masuku Must Apologise for Comments Directed at SA Jews’ (29 June 2017).36 Masuku v SAHRC obo SAJBD SCA (note 27 above) para 12.37 Ibid paras 24–32.38 Ibid para 25.39 Ibid paras 15–23.40 I Chernick ‘High profile hate speech case heard in South Africa’s Constitutional Court’ (28 August 2019) Jerusalem Post.41 SAHRC v Masuku CC (note 17 above).42 Ibid paras 53–55.43 J Sharon ‘South Africa Chief Justice: Apartheid past can help foster Mideast peace’ (23 June 2020) Jerusalem Post.44 South African Jews for a Free Palestine ‘Mogoeng’s Palestine stance calls into question his role at the ConCourt’ (3 July 2020) Mail&Guardian; Judges Matter ‘The Mogoeng Mogoeng blowup: What judges say, does matter’ (2 July 2020) Daily Maverick; Staff Reporter ‘Even if 50 million people march, I will not apologise, says Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng’ (6 July 2020) IOL.45 Africa 4 Palestine / Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng (Ref: JSC/819/20); SA BDS Coalition/Mogoeng Mogoeng CJ (Ref: JSC/819/20); Women’s Cultural Group/Mogoeng Mogoeng CJ (Ref: JSC/827/20) 4 March 2021 (JCC).46 SAHRC v Masuku CC (note 17 above) paras 91–92.47 Ibid para 66.48 Although disavowed in her judgment (ibid para 74), it seems possible that Khampepe J may have been swayed by the fact that recusal would have rendered the court inquorate and necessitated a rehearing.49 Qwelane v SAHRC 2021 (6) SA 579 (CC).50 Ibid paras 155–157. In his judgment, with the support of the full bench, Majiedt J traversed each aspect of the s 10(1) inquiry in fine detail. Of particular salience is the correct interpretative approach to the section. In this regard, he found that the section is to be read conjunctively, instead of disjunctively. There is no indication in the text that favours either, however a disjunctive approach, he found, gives rise to an ‘overly extensive and impermissible infringement of freedom of expression’. In respect of ‘hurtful’ as a threshold for hate speech, included as the third prong of the inquiry, Majiedt J found that this unacceptably undercuts the constitutional protection of freedom of expression afforded by s 16(1) of the Constitution. Even on a conjunctive reading of the section, the term ‘hurtful’ is at the least superfluous when read together with the terms ‘harmful’ and ‘hateful’, as it is encompassed within both, and at the most, as an interpretative guide for the rest of the section, diminishes the notion of hate speech to include speech that is only offensive or shocking.51 SAHRC v Masuku CC (note 17 above) paras 122–130.52 Ibid para 2.53 Ibid paras 153, 165.54 Ibid para 156.55 K Polkehn ‘The secret contacts: Zionism and Nazi Germany, 1933-1941’ (1976) 3/4 Journal of Palestine Studies 54.56 Presumably, upon this finding, when the South African Union of Jewish Students’ chairperson shouted the words ‘Heil Hitler!’ during the rally, it also constituted antisemitic hate speech. One wonders why a complaint has not been referred against him for hate speech. See Masuku v SAHRC obo SAJBD SCA (note 27 above) para 29.57 SAHRC v Masuku CC (note 17 above) para 4.58 Ibid para 5.59 Ibid para 6.60 By the IHRA definition, this statement is antisemitic. Whether it is actually antisemitic is discussed below. Ibid para 165.61 SAHRC v Masuku CC (note 17 above) para 166.62 Ibid para 172.63 D Saks ‘“Death and life are in the tongue”: Lessons from the Bongani Masuku hate speech case’ (22 February 2022) Daily Maverick. See also: D Bilchitz ‘Inciting harm against those who hold opposing political views is undemocratic’ (27 August 2019) Daily Maverick.64 Hasbara is the Hebrew term for the State of Israel’s public diplomacy strategy and technique that often relies on propaganda and information warfare.65 S Friedman ‘The real trick to Bongani Masuku’s case’ (24 February 2022) New Frame.66 G Al Ghifari Lukman, O Sharif, M Scott-Cracknell, S Chaya Smith & J Walton ‘Defining antisemitism on UK campuses: Lived experiences of the IHRA definition’ (August 2021) Balfour Project; G Philo, D Miller & M Berry Bad News for Labour: Antisemitism, the Party and Public Belief (2019); L Klaff ‘Why Facebook must adopt the IHRA definition’ (15 October 2020) The Jewish Chronicle.67 Human Rights Watch ‘Human rights and other civil society groups urge United Nations to respect human rights in the fight against Antisemitism: Joint letter to UN Secretary-General António Guterres and Under Secretary-General Miguel Ángel Moratinos’ (3 April 2023); R Gould ‘The IHRA definition of antisemitism: Defining antisemitism by erasing Palestinians’ (2020) 4 The Political Quarterly 825; T Anderson ‘What’s wrong with the IHRA “working definition” of anti-Semitism?’ (29 January 2020) Black Agenda Report; C Balsam ‘Who’s against adopting the IHRA antisemitism definition?’ (9 December 2020) The Times of Israel.68 O Nahmias ‘10 US states adopt IHRA definition of antisemitism on Holocaust Remembrance Day’ (27 January 2022) Jerusalem Post; Z Klein ‘865 entities have adopted or endorsed IHRA definition of antisemitism’ (16 March 2022) Jerusalem Post.69 SAHRC v Masuku CC (note 17 above) para 6.70 Ibid para 21.71 The corollary to this statement is that the State of Israel discriminates against and oppresses the Palestinian people; in other words, it is an apartheid state. Similar existential charges are only a small step away.72 SAHRC v Masuku CC (note 17 above) para 172. It should be noted that, although the principle of stare decisis does not apply, the Broadcasting Complaints Commission of South Africa (BCCSA), in the matter of Kleynhans v SABC2 [2011] JOL 28154, reached a not dissimilar finding. In that matter, the BCCSA had to, inter alia, consider whether reference to Israel could be understood as a reference to Jewish people. The BCCSA, at para 5, disagreed that ‘the programme pertained to Jews in general. It [only] dealt with the tense situation in Israel, and also with the perceptions and frustrations of Ali, a Palestinian pacifist’.Additional informationNotes on contributorsJeremy PhillipsJeremy Phillips, associate, Cheadle Thompson & Haysom Inc
南非人权委员会诉南非犹太代表委员会诉马苏库:拒绝国际大屠杀纪念联盟的定义
摘要国际大屠杀纪念联盟对反犹主义的定义经常被用来压制对以色列国的合法批评。根据定义,将以色列与种族隔离的南非进行比较是反犹主义的。权威和令人信服的研究和报告得出的结论是,以色列是一个种族隔离国家,因此经常被视为反犹仇恨言论而不予理睬。这严重限制了有原则的亲巴勒斯坦行动主义和公正解决冲突。但是,在南非,不再是这样了。在2022年南非人权委员会诉马苏库案(SAHRC v Masuku)中,南非最高法院南非宪法法院(South African Constitutional Court)考虑了指控以色列实行歧视性种族隔离做法的言论是否构成反犹仇恨言论。宪法法院的判决是否定的。本文讨论了该判决及其对联盟定义的宪法有效性和政治相关性的影响。关键词:以色列犹太复国主义国际大屠杀纪念联盟披露声明作者没有声明利益冲突。注1斯法德先生:“以色列占领西岸和种族隔离罪行;简要地说,关于以色列为什么构成“种族隔离国家”的主要论点是,它作为“犹太家园”的存在,对犹太公民和犹太侨民实行优惠政策和做法,其后果是巴勒斯坦土地被征用,巴勒斯坦人因此而大规模流离失所,巴勒斯坦人被非法杀害。巴勒斯坦人的公民自由受到严重限制。有关更详细的讨论,请参见sard(上面的注释1)3 .人权观察:《跨越门槛:以色列当局与种族隔离和迫害罪行》(2021年)国际特赦组织《以色列对巴勒斯坦人的种族隔离:残酷的统治制度和反人类罪》(2022)参见U Ram“以色列种族民族主义的批判性研究”(2007)2中东研究协会公报164.6 R Greenstein“殖民主义,种族隔离和本土问题:以色列/巴勒斯坦的情况”在V Satgar(编)种族隔离后的种族主义:马克思主义和反种族主义的挑战(2019)75.7 D Gakunzi“反犹太复国主义和反犹太主义-非洲风格”(2017)3/4犹太政治研究评论46;有什么新鲜事吗?重新思考全球化时代的“新反犹主义”(2008)4/5《偏见的模式》531,555;L Topor:“秘密战争:从BDS到非合法化再到反犹主义”(2021)1以色列事务(Israel Affairs),第168期,175-176。另见反诽谤联盟《指控:以色列是种族隔离国家》(2021年8月7日);K Mokgomole:《我是南非:称以色列为“种族隔离”是胡扯》(2022年4月28日)犹太报告;D·霍洛维茨《大赦国际对“种族隔离以色列”的诽谤》(2022年2月3日);S Linde:《以色列与南非种族隔离没有可比性》(2022年2月24日),《耶路撒冷邮报》,《韦氏词典》1999年第10版。南非广播投诉法庭在Dinur v .tv (2003) JOL 11645 (BCTSA)一案中也采用了对“反犹太主义”的同样理解《南非反犹主义的根源:对南部非洲历史的反思》(1994);A Lindemann & R Levy反犹主义:一段历史(2010)国际大屠杀纪念联盟:什么是反犹主义?关于IHRSA对反犹太主义的无法律约束力的工作定义德肖维茨的《以色列案》(2003);演变中的民族主义:1925-2005年以色列的家园、身份和宗教;J . Fishman:“另一种灾难”:犹太复国主义=种族主义,它的开始,以及反对以色列的非法战争”(2011)3 Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs,第75期;D Hirsh“对以色列的敌意和反犹主义:走向社会学的方法”(2013)5反犹主义研究杂志1401.13 J Butler“不,它不是反犹主义”(2003)16伦敦书评;G Bindman“批评以色列不是反犹主义”(2019)1欧洲犹太教111;N·芬克尔斯坦超越放肆:论反犹太主义的误用和对历史的滥用(2005)J Zine、G Bird和S Matthews:《批评以色列不是反犹主义——这是学术自由》(2020年11月15日)《对话》。14参见ET Achiume(联合国当代形式种族主义、种族歧视、仇外心理和相关不容忍问题特别报告员)“打击美化纳粹主义、新纳粹主义和其他助长当代形式种族主义、种族歧视、仇外心理和相关不容忍行为的做法”(2022年)第74-76段;半岛电视台的“128位学者要求联合国不要采用IHRA对反犹太主义的定义”(2022年11月3日)。 15标准(上文注1);人权观察(上文注3);大赦国际(上文注4);Zochrot ' Nakba地图';犹太和平之声“面对浩劫”;B ' tselem团结声明:以色列人权和民间社会组织谴责袭击al-haq(2016年3月15日);犹太和平之声“全球40多个犹太团体反对将反犹太主义等同于批评以色列”(2018年7月17日)联合国西亚经济社会委员会《以色列对巴勒斯坦人民的做法和种族隔离问题:巴勒斯坦和以色列占领》(2017);17 .《巴勒斯坦的种族清洗》(2006)18 .南非人权委员会与南非犹太代表委员会诉马苏库案2022 (7)BCLR 850 (CC) (SAHRC诉马苏库)同上第3-6段。应该注意,因为它是一些相关性、第一个语句作为一个博客,而第二个第四语句都在集会Johannesburg.19的威特沃特斯兰德大学的详细讨论,看到:C曼苏尔的反思对加沙的战争(2009)4《巴勒斯坦研究91.20建立SAHRC ss 184年和185年的南非共和国的宪法,1996年,SAHRC 40的2013。它享有一系列的权力和责任。在这个问题上,南非人权委员会根据《南非人权委员会法》第13(3)条采取行动,通过“代表一个人或一个团体或一类人向主管法院提起诉讼”,“协助申诉人和其他受其影响的人[…]获得补救”22 .南非犹太人代表委员会/南非总工会Bongani Masuku关于:南非总工会Bongani Masuku的声明(2009年)文件编号:GP/2009/0362 (SAHRC)平等法院是根据2000年《促进平等和防止不公平歧视法》(《平等法》)第4章设立的。根据《平等法》第21条,平等法院有权裁决与不公平歧视、仇恨言论或骚扰有关的争端SAHRC obo SAJBD诉Masuku (2017) JOL 38135 (EqCJ)第1-2段。根据Qwelane v SAHRC 2021 (6) SA 579 (CC)第96 - 97段,确定一项陈述是否违反第10条,从而构成仇恨言论的测试是一种“客观测试,考虑围绕该表达的事实和情况,而不仅仅是目标群体做出的推论或假设”。因此,要进行的工作是,一个规范的理性人,考虑到周围的政治和社会背景,以及支持的宪法权利,包括尊严和平等的权利,是否会合理地将该声明解释为构成仇恨言论。参见:S v Mamabolo 2001 (3) SA 409 (CC);伊斯兰统一公约诉独立广播管理局2002 (4)SA 294 (CC);一笑置之促销委员会诉南非国际啤酒厂(金融)BV /a Sabmark国际2006 (1)SA 144 (CC);经济自由战士诉司法和惩教部长2021 (2)SA 1 (CC).24SAHRC与SAJBD诉Masuku(同上)第30.25段同上第1.26段同上27被SAHRC传召的证人是:“David Hirsch博士,伦敦金史密斯大学社会学讲师;研究教授、犹太教和犹太复国主义专家格雷戈里·斯坦顿博士;Benjamin Shullman先生,一位犹太血统的非专业人士,参加了马苏库先生发表演讲的Wits聚会”(见:Masuku v SAHRC obo SAJBD (2019) JOL 40675 (SCA)第20段)同上第54段。支持这一点的是,南非人权委员会的律师认为,犹太复国主义对犹太民族的中心地位在南非尤其如此,因为“在南非的背景下,‘犹太复国主义者’意味着‘犹太人’,因为绝大多数南非犹太人是犹太复国主义者”。参见:I Chernick“在南非宪法法院审理的引人注目的仇恨言论案件”(2019年8月28日)耶路撒冷邮报29注释23以上第13段,17.30约翰内斯堡大学民主研究中心主任31 SAHRC obo SAJBD v Masuku EqCJ(上述注释23)第8.32段同上第60.33段同上第54.34段同上第65.35段N Miltz“南非总工会的马苏库必须为仇恨言论道歉”(2017年7月6日)犹太报告;JTA:南非官员必须为仇恨言论道歉(2017年6月30日)以色列时报;36 . TimesLive《南非总工会主席Bongani Masuku必须为针对南非犹太人的言论道歉》(2017年6月29日)Masuku v SAHRC obo SAJBD SCA(上文注27)第12.37段同上第24-32.38段同上第25.39段同上第15-23.40段I Chernick“南非宪法法院审理的引人注目的仇恨言论案”(2019年8月28日)《耶路撒冷邮报》沙龙:《南非首席大法官:过去的种族隔离有助于促进中东和平》(2020年6月23日)《耶路撒冷邮报》。 “Mogoeng的巴勒斯坦立场让他在法庭上的角色受到质疑”(2020年7月3日)《莫干村风波:法官说什么很重要》(2020年7月2日);工作人员记者“即使5000万人游行,我也不会道歉,首席大法官Mogoeng Mogoeng说”(2020年7月6日)IOL.45 Africa 4 Palestine /首席大法官Mogoeng Mogoeng (Ref: JSC/819/20);SA BDS Coalition/Mogoeng Mogoeng CJ (Ref: JSC/819/20);女性文化集团/Mogoeng Mogoeng CJ (Ref: JSC/827/20) 2021年3月4日(JCC).46南非人权委员会诉Masuku CC(上文附注17)第91-92.47段同上第66.48段虽然在她的判决中予以否认(同上第74段),但Khampepe J似乎可能受到回避会使法庭审讯和需要排演这一事实的影响Qwelane v SAHRC 2021 (6) SA 579 (CC).50同上第155-157段。在他的判决中,在全体法官的支持下,Majiedt J详细地阐述了第10(1)条调查的每个方面。特别突出的是对这一节的正确解释方法。在这方面,他发现这一节应该用连词而不是析取词来读。他发现,文本中没有任何迹象表明赞成这两种做法,但分离的方法会导致“过度广泛和不允许的对言论自由的侵犯”。关于将“有害的”作为仇恨言论的门槛,作为调查的第三个方面,Majiedt J认为,这不可接受地削弱了《宪法》第16(1)条对言论自由的宪法保护。即使在对本节的综合阅读中,“有害的”一词与“有害的”和“可恨的”两词一起阅读时,“有害的”一词至少是多余的,因为它包含在两者之中,最多,作为本节其余部分的解释性指南,减少了仇恨言论的概念,只包括攻击性或令人震惊的言论。51SAHRC v Masuku CC(上面注释17)第122-130.52段同上第2.53段同上第153段,165.54同上第156.55段K Polkehn“秘密接触:犹太复国主义和纳粹德国,1933-1941”(1976)3/4《巴勒斯坦研究杂志》54.56据推测,根据这一发现,当南非犹太学生联盟主席高喊“希特勒万岁!”,这也构成了反犹仇恨言论。人们不禁要问,为什么没有针对他发表仇恨言论的投诉。参见Masuku v SAHRC obo SAJBD SCA(上文注27)第29.57段SAHRC v Masuku CC(上文注17)第4.58段同上第5.59段同上第6.60段根据IHRA的定义,该声明是反犹主义的。下面将讨论它是否真的是反犹主义。同上第166.62段同上第172.63段D Saks的“死亡和生命都在舌头上”:Bongani Masuku仇恨言论案的教训(2022年2月22日)《每日Maverick》。(2019年8月27日)“煽动伤害持反对政治观点的人是不民主的”,“Hasbara”是希伯来语,指以色列国的公共外交战略和技术,通常依赖于宣传和信息战G Al Ghifari Lukman, O Sharif, M Scott-Cracknell, S Chaya Smith & J Walton,《在英国校园定义反犹主义:IHRA定义的生活经验》(2021年8月)Balfour Project;《工党的坏消息:反犹主义、党和公众信仰》(2019);67人权观察《人权和其他民间社会团体敦促联合国在打击反犹太主义的斗争中尊重人权:致联合国秘书长António古特雷斯和副秘书长米格尔Ángel莫拉蒂诺斯的联名信》(2023年4月3日);R Gould:“反犹主义的IHRA定义:通过消除巴勒斯坦人来定义反犹主义”(2020)4《政治季刊》825;《IHRA对反犹主义的“工作定义”有什么问题?》(2020年1月29日)《黑色议程报告》;谁反对采用IHRA反犹主义的定义?(2020年12月9日)《以色列时报》:美国10个州在大屠杀纪念日通过国际人道主义法对反犹主义的定义(2022年1月27日)耶路撒冷邮报;(2022年3月16日)耶路撒冷邮报。69 SAHRC诉Masuku CC(上文注17)第6.70段同上第21.71段这一说法的推论是,以色列国歧视和压迫巴勒斯坦人民;换句话说,它是一个种族隔离国家。类似的存在主义指控离我们只有一步之遥南非人权委员会诉马苏库行政委员会(上文注17)第172段。 值得注意的是,尽管“先看后判”原则并不适用,但南非广播投诉委员会(BCCSA)在Kleynhans诉SABC2案[2011]JOL 28154中得出了类似的结论。在这个问题上,BCCSA除其他外必须考虑,提到以色列是否可以理解为提到犹太人。BCCSA,在第5段,不同意"该计划一般适用于犹太人。它(只)处理了以色列的紧张局势,也处理了巴勒斯坦和平主义者阿里的看法和挫折感。其他信息撰稿人备注杰里米·菲利普斯杰里米·菲利普斯,合伙人,钱德尔·汤普森&海索姆公司
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