Capitalism's Terrorists: Klansmen, Lawmen, and Employers in the Long Nineteenth Century by Chad E. Pearson (review)
IF 0.2
3区 历史学
Q2 HISTORY
Michael Botson
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This study's major strength is Pearson's identification of three specific groups with overlapping interests that collaborated in crushing workers' efforts to organize unions, establish the closed shop, and create a humane workplace. After identifying them, he fiercely takes them to task. Much like in his other books, Pearson's enthusiasm for his subject here nearly jumps off every page. The first part of his triumvirate is made up of \"the terrorists,\" organized [End Page 234] businessmen and industrialists. \"The Enablers,\" those in governmental positions who routinely used the full force of government to suppress working-class activism, come second. The third group consists of \"the narrative creators,\" newspaper editors and novelists who molded public opinion to oppose working-class reforms. Pearson acknowledges that some readers might take exception with his use of the word \"terrorists\" when referring to businessmen, but he reminds us that Jay Gould was a thuggish \"railroad investor responsible for the firing and blacklisting [of] thousands of workers\" (9). An important underlying theme throughout the book is the bitter disagreement between employers and workers over the definition of free labor. As defined by employers, the free labor system allowed workers dissatisfied with a company's working conditions and pay to freely quit and find suitable employment elsewhere. On the other hand, workers defined free labor as a basic human right. That included the right to organize unions and use their collective strength to agitate for improved working conditions, and pay without having to quit and seek employment elsewhere. Pearson describes the fallacy of employers' definition of free labor. He points out that, in regions where one industry dominated the economy, workers could not go to a different mine or railroad and expect to find better wages and working conditions. Employers often banded together in establishing uniform wage rates and working conditions that prevented workers from escaping totalitarian control. Pearson offers as an example the mine owners in Coeur d'Alene, Idaho. There, mine owners banded together and established the Mine Owners Protective Association (MOPA). Members colluded together in suppressing wages, demanding long hours, and imposing dangerous working conditions. Consequently, miners faced similar conditions in any mine they worked. If a MOPA member dared break with his colleagues and granted concessions to miners, they in turn faced censure, ostracism, and blacklisting from their colleagues. Capitalisms' Terrorists is a comprehensive and wide-ranging study. Pearson's arguments are skillfully presented with abundant supporting documentation. His examination of the Great Southwest Strike of 1886 against the Missouri Pacific Railway System places Texas into the broader context of labor activism, and employer counter-attacks, in that period. Overall, Capitalism's Terrorists is a powerful study. It clearly shows the intersection of employer terrorists, government enablers, and narrative creators, and persuasively debunks their claims of being righteous upholders of law, order, and community interests. It is a timely and thought-provoking book. Its themes are hauntingly similar today as employers enmeshed in the global economy, once again, claim virtuous reasons for their draconian labor policies that reduce all workers to tractable status. [End Page 235] Michael Botson Independent Scholar Copyright © 2022 The Texas State Historical Association","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2023.a907803","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Reviewed by: Capitalism's Terrorists: Klansmen, Lawmen, and Employers in the Long Nineteenth Century by Chad E. Pearson Michael Botson Capitalism's Terrorists: Klansmen, Lawmen, and Employers in the Long Nineteenth Century. By Chad E. Pearson. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022. Pp. 324. Notes, bibliography, index, illustrations.) Chad Pearson's latest book, Capitalism's Terrorists: Klansmen, Lawmen, and Employers in the Long Nineteenth Century, is the third book in his trilogy that critically examines the interaction of employers and capitalism with the study of workers' movements. In this third volume he expands his focus of capital's oppression of working-class movements in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-centuries. This study's major strength is Pearson's identification of three specific groups with overlapping interests that collaborated in crushing workers' efforts to organize unions, establish the closed shop, and create a humane workplace. After identifying them, he fiercely takes them to task. Much like in his other books, Pearson's enthusiasm for his subject here nearly jumps off every page. The first part of his triumvirate is made up of "the terrorists," organized [End Page 234] businessmen and industrialists. "The Enablers," those in governmental positions who routinely used the full force of government to suppress working-class activism, come second. The third group consists of "the narrative creators," newspaper editors and novelists who molded public opinion to oppose working-class reforms. Pearson acknowledges that some readers might take exception with his use of the word "terrorists" when referring to businessmen, but he reminds us that Jay Gould was a thuggish "railroad investor responsible for the firing and blacklisting [of] thousands of workers" (9). An important underlying theme throughout the book is the bitter disagreement between employers and workers over the definition of free labor. As defined by employers, the free labor system allowed workers dissatisfied with a company's working conditions and pay to freely quit and find suitable employment elsewhere. On the other hand, workers defined free labor as a basic human right. That included the right to organize unions and use their collective strength to agitate for improved working conditions, and pay without having to quit and seek employment elsewhere. Pearson describes the fallacy of employers' definition of free labor. He points out that, in regions where one industry dominated the economy, workers could not go to a different mine or railroad and expect to find better wages and working conditions. Employers often banded together in establishing uniform wage rates and working conditions that prevented workers from escaping totalitarian control. Pearson offers as an example the mine owners in Coeur d'Alene, Idaho. There, mine owners banded together and established the Mine Owners Protective Association (MOPA). Members colluded together in suppressing wages, demanding long hours, and imposing dangerous working conditions. Consequently, miners faced similar conditions in any mine they worked. If a MOPA member dared break with his colleagues and granted concessions to miners, they in turn faced censure, ostracism, and blacklisting from their colleagues. Capitalisms' Terrorists is a comprehensive and wide-ranging study. Pearson's arguments are skillfully presented with abundant supporting documentation. His examination of the Great Southwest Strike of 1886 against the Missouri Pacific Railway System places Texas into the broader context of labor activism, and employer counter-attacks, in that period. Overall, Capitalism's Terrorists is a powerful study. It clearly shows the intersection of employer terrorists, government enablers, and narrative creators, and persuasively debunks their claims of being righteous upholders of law, order, and community interests. It is a timely and thought-provoking book. Its themes are hauntingly similar today as employers enmeshed in the global economy, once again, claim virtuous reasons for their draconian labor policies that reduce all workers to tractable status. [End Page 235] Michael Botson Independent Scholar Copyright © 2022 The Texas State Historical Association
《资本主义的恐怖分子:漫长19世纪的三k党、执法者和雇主》作者:查德·e·皮尔森
《资本主义的恐怖分子:漫长的19世纪的三k党、执法官和雇主》作者:查德·皮尔森迈克尔·博特森《资本主义的恐怖分子:漫长的19世纪的三k党、执法官和雇主》查德·e·皮尔森著。(教堂山:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2022。324页。注释、参考书目、索引、插图。)查德·皮尔森的最新著作《资本主义的恐怖分子:漫长的19世纪的三k党、执法官和雇主》是他三部曲中的第三部,通过对工人运动的研究,批判性地审视了雇主和资本主义之间的相互作用。在这第三卷,他扩大了他的焦点资本的工人阶级运动的压迫在十九世纪末和二十世纪初。这项研究的主要优势在于皮尔森确定了三个利益重叠的特定群体,这些群体合作摧毁了工人组织工会的努力,建立了封闭的商店,并创造了一个人性化的工作场所。认出他们后,他严厉地指责他们。就像在他的其他书中一样,皮尔森对他的主题的热情几乎每一页都跃然纸上。他的三头同盟的第一部分是由“恐怖分子”、有组织的商人和实业家组成的。“推动者”,那些在政府职位上经常使用政府的全部力量来压制工人阶级的激进主义的人,排在第二位。第三个群体由“叙事创造者”、报纸编辑和小说家组成,他们塑造了反对工人阶级改革的公众舆论。皮尔逊承认,有些读者可能会对他在提到商人时使用“恐怖分子”一词感到不满,但他提醒我们,杰伊·古尔德是一个残暴的“铁路投资者,他解雇了数千名工人,并将其列入黑名单”(9)。贯穿全书的一个重要的潜在主题是雇主和工人之间在自由劳动的定义上的激烈分歧。根据雇主的定义,自由劳动制度允许对公司工作条件和薪酬不满的工人自由辞职,并在其他地方找到合适的工作。另一方面,工人们把自由劳动定义为一项基本人权。这包括组织工会和利用集体力量争取改善工作条件的权利,以及不必辞职另谋出路而获得报酬的权利。皮尔森描述了雇主对自由劳动定义的谬误。他指出,在一个行业主导经济的地区,工人们不可能去另一个矿山或铁路,期望找到更好的工资和工作条件。雇主经常联合起来制定统一的工资率和工作条件,防止工人逃离极权主义的控制。皮尔森以爱达荷州科达伦的矿主为例。在那里,矿主们联合起来成立了矿主保护协会(MOPA)。成员们串通一气压低工资,要求长时间工作,并施加危险的工作条件。因此,矿工们在他们工作的任何矿井都面临着类似的条件。如果一个MOPA成员敢于与他的同事决裂,并给予矿工特许权,他们将面临同事的谴责、排斥和黑名单。《资本主义的恐怖分子》是一部全面而广泛的研究。皮尔逊的论点被巧妙地用丰富的支持文件呈现出来。他对1886年反对密苏里太平洋铁路系统的西南大罢工的研究,将德克萨斯州置于那个时期劳工激进主义和雇主反击的更广泛背景中。总的来说,《资本主义的恐怖分子》是一本强有力的研究。它清楚地展示了雇主恐怖分子、政府推动者和叙事创造者的交集,并令人信服地揭穿了他们自称是法律、秩序和社区利益的正义维护者的说法。这是一本及时而发人深省的书。如今,卷入全球经济的雇主们再次为其严苛的劳工政策辩解,称其理由是正当的,这些政策将所有工人都降低到了可驯服的地位。[End Page 235] Michael Botson独立学者版权©2022德克萨斯州历史协会
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