Introduction: Judicial Overhaul and Political Upheaval in Israel

IF 0.7 Q2 AREA STUDIES
Arieh Saposnik, Natan Aridan
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But it is not just the attempt to reshape the Israeli judiciary and the balance of power between the executive, legislative and judicial branches in the Israeli republic that have aroused passions. There is a broad and deepening perception among many Israelis (and others) that the legislative, administrative and political thrusts of the present government converge to create an overall effort to reshape the Israeli polity, the principles on which Israeli culture and society were established, and perhaps even the most fundamental tenets of Zionism as they had been understood by most Zionists over the course of much of Zionist and Israeli history. The current Israeli government includes within it, for example, one member who has declared herself a \"proud racist,\" and other members who have been openly associated with Meir Kahane's Kach movement, outlawed by the (Likud-led) Knesset in the 1980s due to racist positions. More broadly, within the evolving discord and dissension, central Israeli symbols—most notably, the flag, the Proclamation of Independence, and the National Anthem—have been undergoing transformation and contestation of \"ownership.\" In a great deal of the public discourse of the past few months, the struggle has often been cast as one that pits \"right\" against \"left,\" or between proponents of a \"Jewish\" Israel and advocates of a \"democratic\" [End Page 1] state. Such characterization is, of course, superficial and far from accurate. Thus, for example, in the contentious discourse regarding the bolstering \"Jewish identity\" in public schools in Israel, the debate tends to be cast as one between believers in Jewish identity—meaning Orthodox Jews of a particular religious and ideological variety—and its negators, ostensibly meaning \"secular,\" or non-Orthodox, Jews of various positions. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

Introduction:Judicial Overhaul and Political Upheaval in Israel Arieh Saposnik and Natan Aridan Over the past few months, Israeli society and culture, the Israeli state and Israeli politics, have entered what is by all accounts an unprecedented period of crisis and upheaval. The so-called "judicial reform" initiated and led principally by Minister of Justice Yariv Levin and MK Simcha Rothman, chair of the Knesset's Constitution, Law and Justice Committee, has been the principal focus of a protest movement of unprecedented size and duration (and arguably, impact), which has made the call "democracy" its central rallying cry. But it is not just the attempt to reshape the Israeli judiciary and the balance of power between the executive, legislative and judicial branches in the Israeli republic that have aroused passions. There is a broad and deepening perception among many Israelis (and others) that the legislative, administrative and political thrusts of the present government converge to create an overall effort to reshape the Israeli polity, the principles on which Israeli culture and society were established, and perhaps even the most fundamental tenets of Zionism as they had been understood by most Zionists over the course of much of Zionist and Israeli history. The current Israeli government includes within it, for example, one member who has declared herself a "proud racist," and other members who have been openly associated with Meir Kahane's Kach movement, outlawed by the (Likud-led) Knesset in the 1980s due to racist positions. More broadly, within the evolving discord and dissension, central Israeli symbols—most notably, the flag, the Proclamation of Independence, and the National Anthem—have been undergoing transformation and contestation of "ownership." In a great deal of the public discourse of the past few months, the struggle has often been cast as one that pits "right" against "left," or between proponents of a "Jewish" Israel and advocates of a "democratic" [End Page 1] state. Such characterization is, of course, superficial and far from accurate. Thus, for example, in the contentious discourse regarding the bolstering "Jewish identity" in public schools in Israel, the debate tends to be cast as one between believers in Jewish identity—meaning Orthodox Jews of a particular religious and ideological variety—and its negators, ostensibly meaning "secular," or non-Orthodox, Jews of various positions. In fact, however, secular Zionism itself had at its core a bolstering of Jewish culture and identity through its remodeling. And today too, the deeper question is not a "yes or no" one regarding Jewish identity (of individual Israelis and of Israeli society writ large). It is, rather, a far more complicated (and perhaps difficult) standoff—with historical roots that reach to the very origins of Zionism (and even earlier, to the cornerstones of Jewish modernity)—of what Jewish identity and what understandings of Jewishness ought to characterize Israel and Israelis. The complexity and depth of the questions involved in the upheaval taking place in Israel calls out, in our view, for engagement by scholars of various disciplinary and methodological perspectives. The task of scholarship is, of course, to analyze, clarify, and—one hopes—to add to our understanding of complex and difficult phenomena. This is true many times over with regard to the kinds of processes taking place in Israel today, which have wide-ranging historical, cultural, legal, political and social roots and consequences. This is a time that is no less critical for scholars of Israel than for Israel itself. As the object of our inquiry is undergoing upheaval, so too—necessarily—is our field. Add to that the special role into which Israel Studies has long been thrust in the broader struggles for the nature of academic work and the meaning of truth-seeking in the humanities and social sciences; add to it, further, the direct engagement of Israeli academia in the current legal-political-cultural upheaval and the implications that the changes bear for academic work and academic freedom. The combination of these factors have led us to conclude that a journal such as Israel Studies must not sidestep the necessity of engaging in the issues that are clearly so vitally important to Israel and to the scholars who seek to understand...
导读:以色列的司法改革与政治动荡
导言:以色列的司法改革和政治动荡在过去的几个月里,以色列社会和文化,以色列国家和以色列政治,都进入了一个前所未有的危机和动荡时期。所谓的“司法改革”主要由司法部长亚里夫·莱文(Yariv Levin)和以色列议会宪法、法律和司法委员会主席希姆查·罗斯曼(Simcha Rothman)发起和领导,一直是一场规模和持续时间(以及可以说影响)空前的抗议运动的主要焦点,这使得“民主”成为其核心战斗口号。但是,激起人们热情的不仅仅是重塑以色列司法体系的尝试,以及以色列共和国行政、立法和司法部门之间的权力平衡。在许多以色列人(和其他人)中,有一种广泛而深入的看法,即现任政府的立法、行政和政治推动力汇聚在一起,共同努力重塑以色列的政体、以色列文化和社会建立的原则,甚至可能是大多数犹太复国主义者在犹太复国主义和以色列历史的大部分过程中所理解的犹太复国主义最基本的信条。例如,目前的以色列政府中有一名成员宣称自己是“骄傲的种族主义者”,还有一些成员公开与梅尔·卡哈内的“卡赫运动”有联系,由于种族主义立场,该运动在20世纪80年代被(利库德集团领导的)以色列议会宣布为非法。更广泛地说,在不断演变的不和谐和分歧中,以色列的核心象征——最引人注目的是,国旗、独立宣言和国歌——已经经历了转变和“所有权”的争论。在过去几个月的大量公共话语中,这场斗争经常被描述为“右”对“左”的斗争,或者是“犹太”以色列的支持者和“民主”国家的倡导者之间的斗争。当然,这样的描述是肤浅的,而且远非准确。因此,例如,在关于在以色列公立学校中支持“犹太人身份”的争论中,辩论往往被塑造成犹太人身份的信仰者(指具有特定宗教和意识形态多样性的正统犹太人)和其反对者(表面上指具有各种立场的“世俗”或非正统犹太人)之间的辩论。然而,事实上,世俗的犹太复国主义本身的核心是通过重塑对犹太文化和身份的支持。今天,更深层次的问题也不是关于犹太人身份的“是或否”的问题(对于以色列个人和整个以色列社会)。更确切地说,这是一个复杂得多(也可能是困难得多)的僵局——其历史根源可以追溯到犹太复国主义的起源(甚至更早,可以追溯到犹太人现代性的基石)——犹太人的身份和对犹太性的理解应该是以色列和以色列人的特征。我们认为,以色列正在发生的动荡所涉及的问题的复杂性和深度需要不同学科和方法观点的学者参与。当然,学术的任务是分析、澄清,并希望能增进我们对复杂和困难现象的理解。对于今天在以色列发生的各种进程来说,情况多次如此,这些进程具有广泛的历史、文化、法律、政治和社会根源和后果。这是一个对以色列学者和对以色列本身同等重要的时期。由于我们研究的对象正在经历剧变,我们的研究领域也必然发生剧变。此外,以色列研究长期以来一直在为学术工作的性质和人文社会科学中寻求真理的意义而进行的更广泛的斗争中发挥着特殊的作用;此外,以色列学术界直接参与当前的法律-政治-文化剧变,以及这些变化对学术工作和学术自由的影响。这些因素的结合使我们得出结论,像《以色列研究》这样的杂志绝不能回避参与这些问题的必要性,这些问题显然对以色列和那些寻求理解的学者至关重要……
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来源期刊
Israel Studies
Israel Studies AREA STUDIES-
CiteScore
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期刊介绍: Israel Studies presents multidisciplinary scholarship on Israeli history, politics, society, and culture. Each issue includes essays and reports on matters of broad interest reflecting diverse points of view. Temporal boundaries extend to the pre-state period, although emphasis is on the State of Israel. Due recognition is also given to events and phenomena in diaspora communities as they affect the Israeli state. It is sponsored by the Ben-Gurion Research Institute for the Study of Israel and Zionism at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev and the Schusterman Center for Israel Studies at Brandeis University, in affiliation with the Association for Israel Studies.
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