{"title":"One Scribe or Two? On the Copying of <i>Sir Gawayn and the Carl of Carlisle</i> in NLW Brogyntyn ii.1","authors":"María José Carrillo-Linares","doi":"10.1080/0013838x.2023.2266965","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTNational Library of Wales Brogyntyn ii.1 (Porkington 10) is a fifteenth-century miscellany copied by a considerable number of scribes, though there is no consensus on the exact number. In the copying of Sir Gawayn and the Carl of Carlisle, some scholars have identified two scribes, others just one. This paper analyses different language levels within this poem with the objective of determining the likelihoods of having one or two scribes for this section of the codex. This is the first study to offer a detailed comparison between ff. 12r-22v and 23r-6r and other stints undoubtedly copied by the same scribe of 12r-22v. It presents data extracted from the manuscript which ultimately reveal different scribal patterns in the poem with respect to palaeographical and orthographic habits, although these do not signal dialectal differences in the localisation of the fragments.KEYWORDS: NLW Brogyntyn ii.1ScribesOrthographyPalaeographyDialects AcknowledgementsMy deepest gratitude to Keith Williamson and Edurne Garrido-Anes who have patiently read earlier drafts of this paper and made invaluable suggestions. Also, I am grateful to the anonymous reviewers for their sensible comments which have improved this final version. Any remaining shortcomings are, of course, solely my own.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Madden, Syr Gawayne, lviii–lxiii.2 Two years before, in 1937, a partial description was undertaken by Sir Thomas Phillips in “Manuscripts at Porkington”. This is the earliest catalogue of the manuscripts at Porkington, and it describes thirty-two manuscripts in the collection on a single sheet. See https://archiveshub.jisc.ac.uk/search/archives/1d153609-c554-3a6c-925a-a7f1a09ddab8?terms=\"Charles II King of England 1630–1685.3 Kurvinen, “Porkington 10”, 33–67.4 Guddat-Figge, Catalogue of Manuscripts, 73–78.5 Marx, Index of Middle English Prose, 19–27.6 In this paper I follow Pope, Understanding a Multi-Scribe Miscellany, for the arrangement and codex entries numbers. The entries referred to in this paper are 17, 35, 36, 37, 38, 47, 48, 56 and 57.7 Johnston, Romance and the Gentry, 1.8 Radulescu, “Extreme Emotions”, 60.9 Kurvinen “Porkington 10”, 35.10 In her forthcoming paper, Connolly, “Numerous Scribes” reduces the number of scribes in the first quire, as she considers that there are only two or three people at work instead of the nine proposed by Kurvinen “Porkington 10”, 35.11 Huws, “Porkington 10 and its Scribes”, 189.12 Salter, Popular Reading in English, 191–3.13 Ibid., 193.14 Ibid., 193.15 Ibid., 192.16 The contents of this entry correspond to Mooney et al., DIMEV, 3110. Sir Gawain and the Carl of Carlisle beginning “Lystonnyth Lordyng{9} a Lytty{1} stonde / Of on{5b} þt was sekor{3} and sounde / And dou^ȝ^gty i{5a}n his dede / he was as meke as mayde i{5a}n bour{3} / And þ{2} to styfe i{5a}n eu{2}y stour{3} / Was non{5b} so douȝtty i{5a}n dede … ” The numbers in-between curly brackets in the transcriptions represent a code for a mark (either an abbreviation mark or otiose) in the scribe”s output. They are used throughout the paper and referred to in the methodology section. The codes are as follows: {0}= ɖ; {1}= łł, {2}= Ꜥ, {3}= ງ, {4}= ໑, {5}= -, {5a}= /, {5b}= ϑ, {8}= ɑ, {9}= ꝯ, {13}= ∫.17 The Carl is entry 17 in Pope, Understanding a Multi-Scribe Miscellany. To differentiate the two sections under examination I call them 17a and 17b, respectively.18 Bradsen, “Sir Gawayn and the Carl of Carlisle”, 299.19 The Percy Folio version is in London, British Library Additional MS. 27879.20 Mooney et al., DIMEV, 781. A love poem beginning “Be trewe ⁊ holde þt ȝe haue hyȝ{5}te / ȝe haue my louys hert to kepe / yowe to ples yf þt j myȝ{5}te / on{5b} hondus ⁊ kneis feyn{5b} wolde j crepe … ”21 Ibid., 29. A poem beginning “A Der{3} god haue j deservyd thi{5a}s / Thi{5a}s der{3} destyny to drede / That thus my swete j scha{1} myse … ”22 The stacyons of Rome beginning “Her{3} bethe the stacyons of rome / JN rome bethe ijc paresche churchs ⁊ / vij and xc chapell{9} and v The Cytty / hi{5a}s about þe wallys xlij myllys … ”23 Mooney et al., DIMEV, 5304. A poem beginning “The good wyf Wold a pylgremage / vnto þe holly londe / ¶ sche sayd my der{3} doȝtt{4} / þu most vndor{3} stonde / ¶ ffor gowerne well this hous / and saue thy selfe frow schond... ”24 Ibid., 6434. The Cock in the North, beginning “Whe{5} þe cocke i{5} þe northe hathe byl{0} hi{5a}s neste / ⁊ vnskod hi{5a}s brydd{9} ⁊ bonde hy{5} to fle / þe{5} scha{1} for{3}tunn{5b} hi{5a}s frende hur ȝatys vpecaste / ⁊ ryȝ{5}t scha{1} haue hi{5a}s fre entre … ”25 Two short prose related passages beginning “Balteser{3} be þe grace of mahounde son{5b} / of þe kyn{5}ge of sarsy{5} of clefery dyssendynge / of þe kynge p{7}fet jhu{5} of naȝarethe p{7}boste … ”26 Pope “Burgundian Crusade Propaganda”, 293–311.27 Mooney et al., DIMEV, 923. A poem known as Mercy Passes Righteousness, beginning “BE A forrest as j gan{5b} Walke / Wtt out a palles on{5b} a laye / j harde ij men{5b} to-geddur{3} talke / j ȝeode to wytt what they wolde say / The ton{5b} stode i{5a}n a rewthefu{1} a ray / Hi{5a}s dedely synnys he gane defye / A las he sayd me rewys þt day / That ryȝ{5}t schall forthe and no mercy … ”28 Ibid., 3117.5. A comic tale known as How a merchande dyd hys wyfe betray or A penniworth of witte, beginning “Lystons lordyng{9} j yow pray / how a m{8}chand ca{5} his{5a} wyf bretray / Bothe be day ⁊ be ny{5}ȝt / Who so woll lyston a lytty{1} wy{5}ȝt … ”29 Huws, “Porkington 10 and its Scribes”, 199–200.30 Other authors have followed a similar though not identical approach. Horobin, “Scribe of the Helmingham and Northumberland”, 458, argues that identification of scribal hands requires consideration of both the palaeographical and linguistic evidence offered by manuscripts, and for the linguistic evidence he focuses on dialectal characteristics only.31 Digital images of this manuscript are freely available at: www.library.wales/discover/digital-gallery/manuscripts/the-middle-ages/a-middle-english-miscellany.32 See note 16.33 Benskin et al., eLALME.34 The COSINE similarity measure gives the cosine of an angle between the two sets of vectors being compared in a vector space. Considering a right-angle triangle, the cosine is the ratio of the base to the hypotenuse. Imagining two sets of features as lines forming an angle, an angle of close to 0, where the angle is an indication of how far the sets differ, would give a cosine of close to 1; if the lines were almost at right angles to each other (90 degrees), thus very far apart, the cosine would be close to 0. We are using the cosine as the measure of (dis)similarity, so 1 would indicate complete similarity, 0 would be complete difference. In reality, with our data, we would expect the COSINE values to fall somewhere between 0 and 1. The values have been calculated using de Wet, “Cosine Similarity Calculator”.35 Reproduction of ff. 22v (17a) and 23r (17b) in Appendix Figures 1 and 2.36 Parkes, English Cursive Book Hands, xxvi.37 Manuscript images for the examples are alphabetically arranged in Appendix Figure 3. Most of the examples are taken from 17a and 17b since the data from other texts copied by J is almost identical with those from 17a and the number of occurrences does not entail a difference in the shape of the letters. Only when there are no parallel data in 17a, other texts copied by J have been cited. These examples are marked with * in the Appendix.38 There is one example of <y> in another text copied by J (entry 57): “Your{3}” f. 209v.39 The stroke can fall over an <n>, <m> or a < ȝ> or over a vowel preceding them and sometimes somewhere in-between the preceding vowel and these letters. The use of the horizontal stroke is also very common in other parts of the manuscript, especially in the stints copied by Hand O, where, as stated by Carrillo-Linares, “Outcomes of Editorial Intervention”, 22, “ink colour and duct of these marks may vary. Sometimes the ink in the stroke is fainter or the colour of the ink is paler. This pale colour is similar to that used in a diagonal stroke over <i> … The difference of colour in the strokes may indicate a later revision (by this same scribe or by another hand)”. These marks could be intended for a potential reader when reading aloud, to make clear that the sound is /n/ and not any other possible combination of minims. Although this is not done systematically and the cases are few (31x) in 17a, it is coherent with what the scribe seems to do for other letters (see below).40 The example in final position in this section is difficult to interpret. The final <n> has long tail and there is a stroke over it. Linguistically, it could be interpreted as a genitive marker, but there are no other examples of such a mark for genitive in the whole codex.41 Editors of other texts copied by J have interpreted the stroke differently. Madden, Syr Gawayne does not expand abbreviations, and the symbols for the marks found in the manuscript are reproduced iconically, so on most occasions the stroke is represented by a macron on top of the <n>. In Furnivall, Stacions of Rome, this mark is interpreted as an omitted <n> in the middle of a word but it is not expanded at the end of a word, where the editor reproduces the mark with a macron on top of the final <n>. Furnivall, Queene Elizabethes Chademy treats it as an omitted <n> or as an omitted <e> at the end of a word. In Kurvinen Sir Gawain, “Porkington 10”, and “Mercy and Righteousness”, it is always reproduced as an omitted <n>. In Raymo, “New Satirical Proclamation”, the interpretation is mainly an omitted <n>, and on one occasion as an otiose mark. Hahn, Eleven Gawain Romances interprets it as an omitted <e> “in cases where rhyme or usage makes it seem appropriate” or otherwise it is considered otiose. Finally, Pope, “Burgundian Crusade Propaganda” interprets it as an omitted <n> everywhere but final position, where it is interpreted as an otiose mark.42 A very similar pattern as that of 17a is repeated in other texts copied by J as the figures show in Tables 1–4.43 There is an apparent difference in the use of final {5b} and {5} between 17a and other texts by J. However, this is not so since some lexical items with a high frequency of occurrence distort the quantitative analysis. Thus, the preposition “in” / “jn”, for example occurs invariably without a mark 72x in other texts by J and this changes the general tendency for this feature.44 It seems that this practice is lexically conditioned. It occurs in texts by J in the following words: “sawe”, “lowe”, “gowerne”, “dewyse”, “dewocyon”, “dewyll”, “deserwyd”, “lowys”, “awyse”, “be-howytt”, “tawern”, “lowely”, “heywyn”, “cowett”, “low{9}”, “lowys”. In 17a the instances are: “lowelyur{3}”, “cowert”, “sawe”.45 The example is found in entry 38: “gettyþ”.46 In 17a: “oþ{2}” (1x), “toþ{2}” (1x), “cloþ{9}” (1x), “tyþing{9}” (1x), “forþ{2}” (1x), “vnkowþe” (1x). In 17b: “noþir{3}” (1x). In the rest of the texts by J: “oþ{2}” (5x), “maþewe” (1x), “haþ{3}}” (1x), “neyþ{2}” (3x), “wheþer{3}” (1x), “noþȝ{5}t” (1x), “ettyþe” (1x), “trewþe” (1x), “worþi” (1x), “wheþ{2}” (2x) “cloþis” (1x), “cloþs” (1x).47 Benskin, Laing, Karaiskos and Williamson, e-LALME.48 4686 (Warwickshire), 4003 (Northamptonshire), 427 (Huntingdonshire), 673 (Ely) and 320 (Derbyshire).49 Benskin et al., eLALME.50 Carrillo-Linares and Garrido-Anes, “Provenance of Scribal Languages”.51 The assemblage of items used for the fitting are: first: “furst” (1x), if: “yfe” (3x), “ȝeyfe” (1x), it: “hit” (1x), might: “myȝ{5}t” (1x), much: “meky{1}” (1x), thieir: “her{3}” (1x), shall: “scha{1}” (2x), should: “schuld” (2x), “schulde” (1x), than: “þe{5}” (1x), will: “wyll” (2x), “wy{1}” (1x), “woll” (2x), would: “wolde” (1x).52 The assemblage for the fitting includes the following: again; “a-ȝen{5n}” (1x), “aȝeyn{5b}” (1x), between: “be-twyn{5b}” (1x), both: “bothe” (1x), “bouthe” (1x), first: “furst” (1x), from: “ffrowe” (2x), “from{5b}” (2x), gate: “ȝatys” (1x), many: “mo{5}ny” (3x), “mony” (1x) “many” (1x), “me{5}ny” (1x), might: “myȝ{5}te” (1x), “myȝ{5}t” (1x), them: “he{5}” (1x), “them{5b}” (1x), “þem{5b}” (3x), their: “hur” (1x), “þ{2}” (2x), will: “wol” (1x).53 For this entry there are very few diagnostic features: against; “a-gaynste” (1x), “agaynst” (1x), first: “furst” (1x), it: “hit” (1x), them: “he{5}” (1x), “þem{5}” (1x), each: “ech” (1x).54 An assemblage for this entry includes: before: “be-for{3}” (4x), church: “churche” (1x), “churchs” (1x), earth: “vrthe” (1x), first: “furst” (2x), from: “ffrow” (2x), “ffrowe” (2x), “frow” (1x), “fro{5}” (1x), “fro” (1x), “froo” (1x), gate: “gatt{9}” (1x), give: “for{3}ȝeyfnys” (2x), “for-geyfnis” (3x), “for{3}-ȝefnys” (2x), “for{3}-geyf” (1x), “for{3}-geyve” (1x), if: “ȝefe” (2x), “ȝeyf” (1x), it: “hit” (3x), little: “lyttyll” (1x), many: “mony” (4x), “mo{5}ny” (2x), “many” (1x), much: “moche” (2x), them: “hem” (2x), “he{5}” (1x), “them” (1x), “þem” (2x).55 The diagnostic forms used for the fitting are: fire: “fyr{3}” (1x), from: “fro” (1x), “frow” (1x), “frowe” (1x), give: “geyfe” (1x), if: “ȝefe” (3x), “yfe” (1x), it: “hit” (11x), “it” (1x), little: “lytt” (1x), “lyttyll” (1x), man: “ma{5}” (1x), “man” (2x), “mon (1x), many: “mon{5}y” (1x), “mony” (1x), might: “myȝt” (1x), much: “meche” (2x), “moche” (1x), them: “hem” (3x), whether: “wheþ{4}” (1x), will: “wol” (1x), “woll” (3x), “wolt” (1x), “wyll” (11x), “wylt” (2x).56 The assemblage includes: could: “cowde” (1x), “cowdyst” (1x), “cowthe” (1x), from: “frowe” (2x), give: “for-ȝeyfe” (1x), “for-geyfe” (1x), if: “if” (1x), “yf” (1x), “yfe” (5x), “ȝeyf” (1x), it: “hit” (1x), many: “mony” (1x), might: “almyȝtty” (1x), “almyȝ{5}tty” (1x), “myȝ{5}t” (3x), “myȝ{5}te” (1x), “myȝ{5}tfull” (1x), “myȝ{5}tty” (3x), much: “mekoll” (1x), “myche” (1x), neither … nor: “neydyr{3} … nor{2}” will: “woll” (5x), “wyll” (8x), “wylt” (1x), “wylte” (1x), together: “to-geddur{3}” (1x), would: “wolde” (3x). This text shows some more northern forms that seem to be relics, such as “a-boufe” (1x) for above. The verbal endings for 3rd person singular present indicative are mixed with forms in <-th> and forms in <-s> ({-9} (3x), -se (4x), -is (1x), -ys (3x), -s (1x), -yth (1x), -ythe (2x)), which is not rare in the area of localisation but some of the more northern endings could be relics as well. The poem as preserved in other manuscripts has many more northern features, but the fact that this version is certainly not northern and keeps some relics might indicate that the poem was probably of northern origin.57 The forms used in the fitting are: again: “a-gayn” (4x), before: “be-for{2}” (1x) “to-for{2}” (1x), first: “Ffurst” (1x), “furst” (1x), gate: “gatt{9}” (1x), gave: “gafe“ (1x), give: “ȝeyfe” (1x), her: “her{2}” (23x), “her” (1x), “hur{3}” (1x), it: “hit” (14x), little: “lytty{1}” (1x), man: “ma{5}” (4x), “man{5}” (1x), “man{5}ys” (1x), “mon” (2x), “mon{5b}” (3x), many: “mony” (1x), “mo{5}ny” (1x), neither: “neyþ{2}” (2x), whether: “wheþ{2}” (2x), will: “woll” (1x), “wyll” (4x), would: “wold” (6x), “wolde” (1x), “woldyst” (1x).58 These forms and features are: again: “a-gayn” (3x), against: “a-ȝenst” (3x), “aȝenst” (1x), any: “anny” (1x), “a{5}ny” (5x), “enny” (1x), before: “befor{3}” (2x), both: “bothe” (1x), “bouthe” (1x), could: “coude” (2x), first: “ffurst” (2x), fire: “fyr” (1x), “fyer{3}” (2x), gate: “ȝat” (1x), “ȝatt” (1x), GIVE: “geue” (ppt) (1x), “geyfe” (pres sg 1st) (1x), gave: “ȝaffe” (1x), “ȝafe” (3x), if: “ȝefe” (3x), “ȝeyf” (1x), “ȝeyf” (1x), it: “hit” (20x), “hyt” (2x), little: “lyttyll” (5x), man: “ma{5}” (5x), “man” (1x), “man{5b}” (3x), “mon{5b}” (1x), many: “manny” (1x), “mo{5}ny” (1x), “mony” (4x), might: “myȝ{5}t” (4x), “myȝ{5}te” (1x), “my{5}ȝt” (2x), much: “moche” (3x), “meche” (1x), such: “seche” (7x), “suche” (2x), them: “hem” (6x), “hem{5b}” (4x), “he{5}” (4x), their: “her{3}” (19x), “her” (3x), will: “woll” (8x), “wolt” (1x), “wyll” (3x), “wylle” (1x).59 The fitting assemblage includes: their: “her{2}” (3x), “here” (2x), it: “hit” (8x), each: “eche” (1x), will: “wull” (1x), “wull{3}” (1x), “wul” (1x), much: “myche” (1x), whether: “whedir” (1x) , about: “a-bouȝte” (1x).60 See McIntosh, “Word Geography”, 61.","PeriodicalId":51858,"journal":{"name":"ENGLISH STUDIES","volume":" 16","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4000,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"ENGLISH STUDIES","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0013838x.2023.2266965","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"LITERATURE","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
ABSTRACTNational Library of Wales Brogyntyn ii.1 (Porkington 10) is a fifteenth-century miscellany copied by a considerable number of scribes, though there is no consensus on the exact number. In the copying of Sir Gawayn and the Carl of Carlisle, some scholars have identified two scribes, others just one. This paper analyses different language levels within this poem with the objective of determining the likelihoods of having one or two scribes for this section of the codex. This is the first study to offer a detailed comparison between ff. 12r-22v and 23r-6r and other stints undoubtedly copied by the same scribe of 12r-22v. It presents data extracted from the manuscript which ultimately reveal different scribal patterns in the poem with respect to palaeographical and orthographic habits, although these do not signal dialectal differences in the localisation of the fragments.KEYWORDS: NLW Brogyntyn ii.1ScribesOrthographyPalaeographyDialects AcknowledgementsMy deepest gratitude to Keith Williamson and Edurne Garrido-Anes who have patiently read earlier drafts of this paper and made invaluable suggestions. Also, I am grateful to the anonymous reviewers for their sensible comments which have improved this final version. Any remaining shortcomings are, of course, solely my own.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Madden, Syr Gawayne, lviii–lxiii.2 Two years before, in 1937, a partial description was undertaken by Sir Thomas Phillips in “Manuscripts at Porkington”. This is the earliest catalogue of the manuscripts at Porkington, and it describes thirty-two manuscripts in the collection on a single sheet. See https://archiveshub.jisc.ac.uk/search/archives/1d153609-c554-3a6c-925a-a7f1a09ddab8?terms="Charles II King of England 1630–1685.3 Kurvinen, “Porkington 10”, 33–67.4 Guddat-Figge, Catalogue of Manuscripts, 73–78.5 Marx, Index of Middle English Prose, 19–27.6 In this paper I follow Pope, Understanding a Multi-Scribe Miscellany, for the arrangement and codex entries numbers. The entries referred to in this paper are 17, 35, 36, 37, 38, 47, 48, 56 and 57.7 Johnston, Romance and the Gentry, 1.8 Radulescu, “Extreme Emotions”, 60.9 Kurvinen “Porkington 10”, 35.10 In her forthcoming paper, Connolly, “Numerous Scribes” reduces the number of scribes in the first quire, as she considers that there are only two or three people at work instead of the nine proposed by Kurvinen “Porkington 10”, 35.11 Huws, “Porkington 10 and its Scribes”, 189.12 Salter, Popular Reading in English, 191–3.13 Ibid., 193.14 Ibid., 193.15 Ibid., 192.16 The contents of this entry correspond to Mooney et al., DIMEV, 3110. Sir Gawain and the Carl of Carlisle beginning “Lystonnyth Lordyng{9} a Lytty{1} stonde / Of on{5b} þt was sekor{3} and sounde / And dou^ȝ^gty i{5a}n his dede / he was as meke as mayde i{5a}n bour{3} / And þ{2} to styfe i{5a}n eu{2}y stour{3} / Was non{5b} so douȝtty i{5a}n dede … ” The numbers in-between curly brackets in the transcriptions represent a code for a mark (either an abbreviation mark or otiose) in the scribe”s output. They are used throughout the paper and referred to in the methodology section. The codes are as follows: {0}= ɖ; {1}= łł, {2}= Ꜥ, {3}= ງ, {4}= ໑, {5}= -, {5a}= /, {5b}= ϑ, {8}= ɑ, {9}= ꝯ, {13}= ∫.17 The Carl is entry 17 in Pope, Understanding a Multi-Scribe Miscellany. To differentiate the two sections under examination I call them 17a and 17b, respectively.18 Bradsen, “Sir Gawayn and the Carl of Carlisle”, 299.19 The Percy Folio version is in London, British Library Additional MS. 27879.20 Mooney et al., DIMEV, 781. A love poem beginning “Be trewe ⁊ holde þt ȝe haue hyȝ{5}te / ȝe haue my louys hert to kepe / yowe to ples yf þt j myȝ{5}te / on{5b} hondus ⁊ kneis feyn{5b} wolde j crepe … ”21 Ibid., 29. A poem beginning “A Der{3} god haue j deservyd thi{5a}s / Thi{5a}s der{3} destyny to drede / That thus my swete j scha{1} myse … ”22 The stacyons of Rome beginning “Her{3} bethe the stacyons of rome / JN rome bethe ijc paresche churchs ⁊ / vij and xc chapell{9} and v The Cytty / hi{5a}s about þe wallys xlij myllys … ”23 Mooney et al., DIMEV, 5304. A poem beginning “The good wyf Wold a pylgremage / vnto þe holly londe / ¶ sche sayd my der{3} doȝtt{4} / þu most vndor{3} stonde / ¶ ffor gowerne well this hous / and saue thy selfe frow schond... ”24 Ibid., 6434. The Cock in the North, beginning “Whe{5} þe cocke i{5} þe northe hathe byl{0} hi{5a}s neste / ⁊ vnskod hi{5a}s brydd{9} ⁊ bonde hy{5} to fle / þe{5} scha{1} for{3}tunn{5b} hi{5a}s frende hur ȝatys vpecaste / ⁊ ryȝ{5}t scha{1} haue hi{5a}s fre entre … ”25 Two short prose related passages beginning “Balteser{3} be þe grace of mahounde son{5b} / of þe kyn{5}ge of sarsy{5} of clefery dyssendynge / of þe kynge p{7}fet jhu{5} of naȝarethe p{7}boste … ”26 Pope “Burgundian Crusade Propaganda”, 293–311.27 Mooney et al., DIMEV, 923. A poem known as Mercy Passes Righteousness, beginning “BE A forrest as j gan{5b} Walke / Wtt out a palles on{5b} a laye / j harde ij men{5b} to-geddur{3} talke / j ȝeode to wytt what they wolde say / The ton{5b} stode i{5a}n a rewthefu{1} a ray / Hi{5a}s dedely synnys he gane defye / A las he sayd me rewys þt day / That ryȝ{5}t schall forthe and no mercy … ”28 Ibid., 3117.5. A comic tale known as How a merchande dyd hys wyfe betray or A penniworth of witte, beginning “Lystons lordyng{9} j yow pray / how a m{8}chand ca{5} his{5a} wyf bretray / Bothe be day ⁊ be ny{5}ȝt / Who so woll lyston a lytty{1} wy{5}ȝt … ”29 Huws, “Porkington 10 and its Scribes”, 199–200.30 Other authors have followed a similar though not identical approach. Horobin, “Scribe of the Helmingham and Northumberland”, 458, argues that identification of scribal hands requires consideration of both the palaeographical and linguistic evidence offered by manuscripts, and for the linguistic evidence he focuses on dialectal characteristics only.31 Digital images of this manuscript are freely available at: www.library.wales/discover/digital-gallery/manuscripts/the-middle-ages/a-middle-english-miscellany.32 See note 16.33 Benskin et al., eLALME.34 The COSINE similarity measure gives the cosine of an angle between the two sets of vectors being compared in a vector space. Considering a right-angle triangle, the cosine is the ratio of the base to the hypotenuse. Imagining two sets of features as lines forming an angle, an angle of close to 0, where the angle is an indication of how far the sets differ, would give a cosine of close to 1; if the lines were almost at right angles to each other (90 degrees), thus very far apart, the cosine would be close to 0. We are using the cosine as the measure of (dis)similarity, so 1 would indicate complete similarity, 0 would be complete difference. In reality, with our data, we would expect the COSINE values to fall somewhere between 0 and 1. The values have been calculated using de Wet, “Cosine Similarity Calculator”.35 Reproduction of ff. 22v (17a) and 23r (17b) in Appendix Figures 1 and 2.36 Parkes, English Cursive Book Hands, xxvi.37 Manuscript images for the examples are alphabetically arranged in Appendix Figure 3. Most of the examples are taken from 17a and 17b since the data from other texts copied by J is almost identical with those from 17a and the number of occurrences does not entail a difference in the shape of the letters. Only when there are no parallel data in 17a, other texts copied by J have been cited. These examples are marked with * in the Appendix.38 There is one example of in another text copied by J (entry 57): “Your{3}” f. 209v.39 The stroke can fall over an , or a < ȝ> or over a vowel preceding them and sometimes somewhere in-between the preceding vowel and these letters. The use of the horizontal stroke is also very common in other parts of the manuscript, especially in the stints copied by Hand O, where, as stated by Carrillo-Linares, “Outcomes of Editorial Intervention”, 22, “ink colour and duct of these marks may vary. Sometimes the ink in the stroke is fainter or the colour of the ink is paler. This pale colour is similar to that used in a diagonal stroke over … The difference of colour in the strokes may indicate a later revision (by this same scribe or by another hand)”. These marks could be intended for a potential reader when reading aloud, to make clear that the sound is /n/ and not any other possible combination of minims. Although this is not done systematically and the cases are few (31x) in 17a, it is coherent with what the scribe seems to do for other letters (see below).40 The example in final position in this section is difficult to interpret. The final has long tail and there is a stroke over it. Linguistically, it could be interpreted as a genitive marker, but there are no other examples of such a mark for genitive in the whole codex.41 Editors of other texts copied by J have interpreted the stroke differently. Madden, Syr Gawayne does not expand abbreviations, and the symbols for the marks found in the manuscript are reproduced iconically, so on most occasions the stroke is represented by a macron on top of the . In Furnivall, Stacions of Rome, this mark is interpreted as an omitted in the middle of a word but it is not expanded at the end of a word, where the editor reproduces the mark with a macron on top of the final . Furnivall, Queene Elizabethes Chademy treats it as an omitted or as an omitted at the end of a word. In Kurvinen Sir Gawain, “Porkington 10”, and “Mercy and Righteousness”, it is always reproduced as an omitted . In Raymo, “New Satirical Proclamation”, the interpretation is mainly an omitted , and on one occasion as an otiose mark. Hahn, Eleven Gawain Romances interprets it as an omitted “in cases where rhyme or usage makes it seem appropriate” or otherwise it is considered otiose. Finally, Pope, “Burgundian Crusade Propaganda” interprets it as an omitted everywhere but final position, where it is interpreted as an otiose mark.42 A very similar pattern as that of 17a is repeated in other texts copied by J as the figures show in Tables 1–4.43 There is an apparent difference in the use of final {5b} and {5} between 17a and other texts by J. However, this is not so since some lexical items with a high frequency of occurrence distort the quantitative analysis. Thus, the preposition “in” / “jn”, for example occurs invariably without a mark 72x in other texts by J and this changes the general tendency for this feature.44 It seems that this practice is lexically conditioned. It occurs in texts by J in the following words: “sawe”, “lowe”, “gowerne”, “dewyse”, “dewocyon”, “dewyll”, “deserwyd”, “lowys”, “awyse”, “be-howytt”, “tawern”, “lowely”, “heywyn”, “cowett”, “low{9}”, “lowys”. In 17a the instances are: “lowelyur{3}”, “cowert”, “sawe”.45 The example is found in entry 38: “gettyþ”.46 In 17a: “oþ{2}” (1x), “toþ{2}” (1x), “cloþ{9}” (1x), “tyþing{9}” (1x), “forþ{2}” (1x), “vnkowþe” (1x). In 17b: “noþir{3}” (1x). In the rest of the texts by J: “oþ{2}” (5x), “maþewe” (1x), “haþ{3}}” (1x), “neyþ{2}” (3x), “wheþer{3}” (1x), “noþȝ{5}t” (1x), “ettyþe” (1x), “trewþe” (1x), “worþi” (1x), “wheþ{2}” (2x) “cloþis” (1x), “cloþs” (1x).47 Benskin, Laing, Karaiskos and Williamson, e-LALME.48 4686 (Warwickshire), 4003 (Northamptonshire), 427 (Huntingdonshire), 673 (Ely) and 320 (Derbyshire).49 Benskin et al., eLALME.50 Carrillo-Linares and Garrido-Anes, “Provenance of Scribal Languages”.51 The assemblage of items used for the fitting are: first: “furst” (1x), if: “yfe” (3x), “ȝeyfe” (1x), it: “hit” (1x), might: “myȝ{5}t” (1x), much: “meky{1}” (1x), thieir: “her{3}” (1x), shall: “scha{1}” (2x), should: “schuld” (2x), “schulde” (1x), than: “þe{5}” (1x), will: “wyll” (2x), “wy{1}” (1x), “woll” (2x), would: “wolde” (1x).52 The assemblage for the fitting includes the following: again; “a-ȝen{5n}” (1x), “aȝeyn{5b}” (1x), between: “be-twyn{5b}” (1x), both: “bothe” (1x), “bouthe” (1x), first: “furst” (1x), from: “ffrowe” (2x), “from{5b}” (2x), gate: “ȝatys” (1x), many: “mo{5}ny” (3x), “mony” (1x) “many” (1x), “me{5}ny” (1x), might: “myȝ{5}te” (1x), “myȝ{5}t” (1x), them: “he{5}” (1x), “them{5b}” (1x), “þem{5b}” (3x), their: “hur” (1x), “þ{2}” (2x), will: “wol” (1x).53 For this entry there are very few diagnostic features: against; “a-gaynste” (1x), “agaynst” (1x), first: “furst” (1x), it: “hit” (1x), them: “he{5}” (1x), “þem{5}” (1x), each: “ech” (1x).54 An assemblage for this entry includes: before: “be-for{3}” (4x), church: “churche” (1x), “churchs” (1x), earth: “vrthe” (1x), first: “furst” (2x), from: “ffrow” (2x), “ffrowe” (2x), “frow” (1x), “fro{5}” (1x), “fro” (1x), “froo” (1x), gate: “gatt{9}” (1x), give: “for{3}ȝeyfnys” (2x), “for-geyfnis” (3x), “for{3}-ȝefnys” (2x), “for{3}-geyf” (1x), “for{3}-geyve” (1x), if: “ȝefe” (2x), “ȝeyf” (1x), it: “hit” (3x), little: “lyttyll” (1x), many: “mony” (4x), “mo{5}ny” (2x), “many” (1x), much: “moche” (2x), them: “hem” (2x), “he{5}” (1x), “them” (1x), “þem” (2x).55 The diagnostic forms used for the fitting are: fire: “fyr{3}” (1x), from: “fro” (1x), “frow” (1x), “frowe” (1x), give: “geyfe” (1x), if: “ȝefe” (3x), “yfe” (1x), it: “hit” (11x), “it” (1x), little: “lytt” (1x), “lyttyll” (1x), man: “ma{5}” (1x), “man” (2x), “mon (1x), many: “mon{5}y” (1x), “mony” (1x), might: “myȝt” (1x), much: “meche” (2x), “moche” (1x), them: “hem” (3x), whether: “wheþ{4}” (1x), will: “wol” (1x), “woll” (3x), “wolt” (1x), “wyll” (11x), “wylt” (2x).56 The assemblage includes: could: “cowde” (1x), “cowdyst” (1x), “cowthe” (1x), from: “frowe” (2x), give: “for-ȝeyfe” (1x), “for-geyfe” (1x), if: “if” (1x), “yf” (1x), “yfe” (5x), “ȝeyf” (1x), it: “hit” (1x), many: “mony” (1x), might: “almyȝtty” (1x), “almyȝ{5}tty” (1x), “myȝ{5}t” (3x), “myȝ{5}te” (1x), “myȝ{5}tfull” (1x), “myȝ{5}tty” (3x), much: “mekoll” (1x), “myche” (1x), neither … nor: “neydyr{3} … nor{2}” will: “woll” (5x), “wyll” (8x), “wylt” (1x), “wylte” (1x), together: “to-geddur{3}” (1x), would: “wolde” (3x). This text shows some more northern forms that seem to be relics, such as “a-boufe” (1x) for above. The verbal endings for 3rd person singular present indicative are mixed with forms in <-th> and forms in <-s> ({-9} (3x), -se (4x), -is (1x), -ys (3x), -s (1x), -yth (1x), -ythe (2x)), which is not rare in the area of localisation but some of the more northern endings could be relics as well. The poem as preserved in other manuscripts has many more northern features, but the fact that this version is certainly not northern and keeps some relics might indicate that the poem was probably of northern origin.57 The forms used in the fitting are: again: “a-gayn” (4x), before: “be-for{2}” (1x) “to-for{2}” (1x), first: “Ffurst” (1x), “furst” (1x), gate: “gatt{9}” (1x), gave: “gafe“ (1x), give: “ȝeyfe” (1x), her: “her{2}” (23x), “her” (1x), “hur{3}” (1x), it: “hit” (14x), little: “lytty{1}” (1x), man: “ma{5}” (4x), “man{5}” (1x), “man{5}ys” (1x), “mon” (2x), “mon{5b}” (3x), many: “mony” (1x), “mo{5}ny” (1x), neither: “neyþ{2}” (2x), whether: “wheþ{2}” (2x), will: “woll” (1x), “wyll” (4x), would: “wold” (6x), “wolde” (1x), “woldyst” (1x).58 These forms and features are: again: “a-gayn” (3x), against: “a-ȝenst” (3x), “aȝenst” (1x), any: “anny” (1x), “a{5}ny” (5x), “enny” (1x), before: “befor{3}” (2x), both: “bothe” (1x), “bouthe” (1x), could: “coude” (2x), first: “ffurst” (2x), fire: “fyr” (1x), “fyer{3}” (2x), gate: “ȝat” (1x), “ȝatt” (1x), GIVE: “geue” (ppt) (1x), “geyfe” (pres sg 1st) (1x), gave: “ȝaffe” (1x), “ȝafe” (3x), if: “ȝefe” (3x), “ȝeyf” (1x), “ȝeyf” (1x), it: “hit” (20x), “hyt” (2x), little: “lyttyll” (5x), man: “ma{5}” (5x), “man” (1x), “man{5b}” (3x), “mon{5b}” (1x), many: “manny” (1x), “mo{5}ny” (1x), “mony” (4x), might: “myȝ{5}t” (4x), “myȝ{5}te” (1x), “my{5}ȝt” (2x), much: “moche” (3x), “meche” (1x), such: “seche” (7x), “suche” (2x), them: “hem” (6x), “hem{5b}” (4x), “he{5}” (4x), their: “her{3}” (19x), “her” (3x), will: “woll” (8x), “wolt” (1x), “wyll” (3x), “wylle” (1x).59 The fitting assemblage includes: their: “her{2}” (3x), “here” (2x), it: “hit” (8x), each: “eche” (1x), will: “wull” (1x), “wull{3}” (1x), “wul” (1x), much: “myche” (1x), whether: “whedir” (1x) , about: “a-bouȝte” (1x).60 See McIntosh, “Word Geography”, 61.
一首被称为“仁慈超越正义”的诗,开头是“他是一个forrest as jgan {5b} walk / wt out A palles on{5b} A laye / j harde ij men{5b} to geddur{3} talke / j ȝeode to wytt他们会说什么/ ton{5b} stode i{5b} to geddur{3} talke / j {5a}s深刻地synsyne The gdefye / A,他说me rewys + t day / That ryme {5}t schall forthe and no Mercy…”28同上,3117.5。一个喜剧故事,被称为一个商人如何让他的妻子背叛,或一个彭尼沃斯写的,开始“莱斯顿勋爵{9}j你祈祷/一个m{8}chand如何{5}他{5}wyf bretray /两个一天的<s:1>是我{5}ȝt /谁会莱斯顿一个lytty{1} wy{5}ȝt……”29 Huws,“波金顿10和它的抄写员”,1999 - 200.30其他作者也遵循了类似的方法,但不完全相同。Horobin,“亥明汉和诺森伯兰的抄写员”,458年,认为抄写手的鉴定需要考虑手稿提供的古地学和语言学证据,对于语言学证据,他只关注方言特征该手稿的数字图像可在以下网站免费获得:www.library.wales/discover/digital-gallery/manuscripts/the-middle-ages/a-middle-english-miscellany.32见注释16.33 Benskin et al., eLALME.34余弦相似性度量给出了在向量空间中被比较的两组向量之间夹角的余弦值。考虑一个直角三角形,余弦是底边与斜边之比。想象两组特征组成一个角,这个角接近于0,这个角表示这两组特征之间的距离,余弦值接近于1;如果这两条线几乎成直角(90度),因此距离非常远,余弦值将接近于0。我们使用余弦作为(非)相似度的度量,因此1表示完全相似,0表示完全不同。实际上,根据我们的数据,我们期望余弦值落在0和1之间。这些值是用de Wet“余弦相似度计算器”计算出来的ff的繁殖。附录图1和2.36中的22v (17a)和23r (17b) Parkes,英文草书手,xxvi.37示例的手稿图像按字母顺序排列在附录图3中。大多数例子取自17a和17b,因为J从其他文本中复制的数据几乎与17a中的数据相同,并且出现的次数并不意味着字母形状的差异。只有在17a中没有平行数据时,J复制的其他文本才被引用。在J(条目57)复制的另一文本中有一个例子:" Your{3} " f. 209v.39笔画可以落在一个,或一个<字母>或前面的元音上,有时在前面的元音和这些字母之间的某个地方。在手稿的其他部分也很常见,特别是在手写的部分,如Carrillo-Linares所述,“编辑干预的结果”,22,“这些标记的墨水颜色和管道可能会有所不同。”有时笔画中的墨水较淡,或墨水的颜色较淡。这种苍白的颜色与上面的对角线笔画中使用的颜色相似……笔画中的颜色差异可能表明后来的修改(由同一抄写员或另一只手)”。这些标记可能是为了让潜在的读者在大声朗读时清楚地知道这个音是/n/,而不是其他任何可能的最小值组合。虽然没有系统地这样做,17a年的案例很少(31例),但这与抄写员对其他信件的做法是一致的(见下文)本节最后的例子很难解释。最后的尾巴很长,上面有一个笔画。在语言学上,它可以被解释为一个属格标记,但在整个法典中没有其他的属格标记的例子J抄写的其他文本的编辑对这一笔画有不同的解释。麦登·西尔·高文没有展开缩写,手稿中发现的标记符号都是象征性地复制的,所以在大多数情况下,笔画都是用在笔尖上的一个马克龙来表示的。在罗马的弗尼瓦尔(Furnivall)中,这个标记被解释为在单词中间省略,但在单词末尾没有展开,编辑在词尾上方复制了这个标记。弗尼瓦尔,女王伊丽莎白·夏德米认为它被省略或省略在一个词的末尾。在《库尔维宁·高文爵士》、《波金顿10》和《仁慈与正义》中,它总是被省略。在Raymo的“新讽刺宣言”中,解释主要是被省略的,并且有一次作为替代标记。Hahn, Eleven Gawain romanes将其解释为“在押韵或用法使其看起来合适的情况下”被省略,否则它被认为是不合适的。
期刊介绍:
The periodical English Studies was founded more than 75 years ago by the Dutch grammarian R.W. Zandvoort. From the very first, linguistics was only one of its areas of interest. English Studies was and is a unique publication in the field of "English" because of its range: it covers the language and literature of the English-speaking world from the Old English period to the present day. In spite of this range, the foremost position of English Studies in many of these areas is undisputed: it attracts contributions from leading experts who recognise this periodical as the most obvious vehicle for addressing both their fellow-experts and those whose professional interest in "English" is more general.