Victorian Metafiction, by Tabitha Sparks

Mary Jean Corbett
{"title":"<i>Victorian Metafiction</i>, by Tabitha Sparks","authors":"Mary Jean Corbett","doi":"10.5325/victinstj.50.2023.0294","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Oxymoronic as it may sound, the title of Tabitha Sparks’s study of nineteenth-century “novels about women novelists” that “feature [their] own artistic construction as part of the story” is neither inaptly chosen nor purely polemical—although a subtitle might have been in order (1). Challenging the ongoing association of metafiction mainly with postmodernist experimentation and building on recent criticism that emphasizes realism’s “capacity for model building rather than its declarative power,” Victorian Metafiction locates its chief examples in what might appear the most unlikely of sources (8). Its central sites of analysis, excluding Charlotte Brontë’s Villette (1853), consist of underread nineteenth-century fiction by women, novels not known (if known at all) for taking narrative risks or playing the sort of games to which we have become habituated by Margaret Atwood and Don DeLillo. That the historical antecedents for metafiction don’t include nineteenth-century realism, and certainly not domestic realism, is for some critics axiomatic. Thus, even if scholars outside Victorian studies assert that “metafiction is not a historical phenomenon per se”—Sparks cites the seventeenth-century Don Quixote and the eighteenth-century Tristram Shandy as paradigmatic examples—they all agree that it is decidedly not a feature of the Victorian novel and indeed deploy nineteenth-century realism as a straw man against which the “metafictional self-consciousness and irony” of Umberto Eco or Ishmael Reed can be measured (13). Of course, Sparks challenges the reductive account of realism’s naïve dependence on access to “the real” even as she enriches our understanding of what metafiction might look like in a historical moment other than our own. In the process, she also makes a valuable contribution to rethinking the role that feminist criticism has played in keeping in place some of the assumptions that still consign a significant strand of nineteenth-century women’s fiction to noncanonical status.Sparks’s critical intervention depends on revising the genealogy of metafiction as it was established primarily in the 1970s and 1980s more or less simultaneously with—although at some distance from—the emergence of a feminist literary criticism that emphasized the recovery of women writers whose voices had been suppressed in and by the past. That genealogy itself depends on the usual story, invented by modernists and reinforced by modernist and postmodernist criticism, regarding the break from nineteenth-century realism: “Around or about 1910,” Sparks archly writes, “the artistic imagination changed and novelists like Virginia Woolf and James Joyce, tired of the superficiality of novels (and novelists) that described a world of surfaces, turned their attention to experimental representations of consciousness and other ineffable dimensions” (2). Taking these high modernists at their word, second-wave Anglo-American feminist criticism identified feminist aesthetics in the genre “as an extension or invention of the twentieth century,” thus relegating the works of Woolf’s and Joyce’s mothers and grandmothers to a dull and dusty bookshelf (24). At the same time, groundbreaking scholarly studies of nineteenth-century women writers, such as Elaine Showalter’s A Literature of Their Own and especially Sandra Gilbert and Susan Gubar’s The Madwoman in the Attic, persuasively argued that the patriarchal repressions and gendered ideologies of Victorian society issued in coded texts with subversive subtexts that were forged in relation to critical judgments of the time, in which particular suppositions about women’s limited sphere shaped the reception of their published work. But the Victorian assumption that all women’s writing was based in, and thus suffered from, the limitations of their personal experience, Sparks suggests, was reinforced rather than challenged by second-wave feminist criticism: as she writes in her conclusion, “when we evaluate women’s fiction primarily through the lenses of projected empathy and personal expression, we are not redressing the reasons that make these lenses so easy to identify with in the first place” (158).Victorian Metafiction takes an alternate path: in a particularly telling formulation, Sparks wonders how it is that “the patent insecurity of historical women writers in Victorian culture appears, again and again, in novels about a woman writer’s disputed, hidden, or maligned identity” (28–29). Herein lies her take on Victorian metafiction as practiced by women writers: she concentrates on “examining an aesthetic register that eclipses their personal emotions or experiences with attention to literary form” as part of an effort to credit them with “metafictional, not biographical, self-consciousness” (3). From one point of view, then, we might see such figures as Charlotte Brontë, Rhoda Broughton, Charlotte Riddell, Eliza Lynn Linton, and a host of New Woman writers from the 1890s as anticipating, albeit by different means, Woolf’s subsequent effort to limit or transcend biographical readings of her creative work. As Sparks shows in a brief reading of the infamous critique of Jane Eyre from A Room of One’s Own that baldly “conflates Brontë with her heroine,” Woolf enforced in her critical practice a putatively modernist emphasis on impersonality that actually has deep roots in the mid-Victorian thinking she had internalized about what women writers were—and were not—capable of achieving (154). If the formal strategies Woolf employed in creating Lily Briscoe in To the Lighthouse (1927) differ dramatically from those that Emily Morse Symonds used to form Cosima Chudleigh in A Writer of Books (1898), then the impulse underlying these creations may nonetheless derive from a similar motivation: to achieve the credibility and claim the credit Sparks seeks to bestow.Appropriately, Sparks’s first chapter concerns Villette, in which an elusive first-person narrator writes the story of only some passages in her life, either leaving out or elliptically revealing those parts that readers, whether Victorian or modern, might otherwise use as a key to diagnose or dissect the novel’s protagonist or, worse, its author. Unlike most of Sparks’s other primary texts, which center on “the business and art of writing as the subject of the novel,” Villette certainly does not present Lucy Snowe as an aspirant to literary fame or aesthetic achievement (2). It rather features a “resistance to self-disclosure” that—however much that reticence might mimic Brontë’s own—marks the novel as “a piece of experimental writing” comparable to Thomas Carlyle’s Sartor Resartus (1832–33) (55). In Sparks’s words, Villette “does not deny the autobiographical so much as call into question where a distinction between autobiography and fiction lies, and if it can be made at all” (58). By contrast, Broughton’s Cometh Up as a Flower (1867), the subject of chapter 2, takes its subtitle—An Autobiography—from Jane Eyre, but its protagonist moves ever closer to fictionalizing, as the real life she begins by reporting grows less and less compelling than the novels she has read. Analyzing Nell LeStrange’s use of the historical present tense and a compulsion to quotation that borders on pastiche as among the metafictional elements Broughton deliberately deploys, Sparks concludes that the novel is “so indebted to literary and other intertextual influences that its obtrusive constructedness overwhelms its illusion of realism or reportage” (87). A look at Broughton’s final novel, A Fool in Her Folly (1920), shows how Nell’s dilemma is refigured when its protagonist’s “wish to understand writing as an art form and technique” is deprecated by others and ultimately abandoned (89).The third chapter juxtaposes Margaret Oliphant’s The Athelings (1857) with Riddell’s A Struggle for Fame (1883) and moves from the prior consideration of how metafictional strategies “identify and critique barriers facing Victorian women writers” to examine how two very prolific professional novelists construct their portraits of the (female) artist in accord or in conflict with ideas about gender, genius, and the vicissitudes of the marketplace (91). The far less metafictional of the two, Oliphant’s novel subordinates any account of its protagonist as a writer to a conventionally gendered script. Though she apparently earns both, Agnes Atheling does not write for money or fame: “her writing matters not for her critical or public repute but for its efficacy in fulfilling her personal destiny”: marriage and, presumably, eventual motherhood (96). By contrast, Glenarva Westley has an agenda that alters over time. Although Glen imbibes Romantic ideals of the writerly vocation, Riddell increasingly ironizes them, as her protagonist migrates from Ireland to England with her impoverished father to seek their fortune in literary London, where her fiction—itself a product of a long struggle just to be published—is met with the usual critiques of women’s writing. Emulating her most successful contemporary, however, when Glen “adopts a view of art as practice in the pattern of Eliot’s experimental realism,” she produces a novel that meets her own evolving aesthetic standards (102). And this, rather than lasting fame, is her reward: she has completed “a bid for autonomous art”—as Riddell arguably did in taking up “the doubled position of a novelist writing a novel about a novelist”—that would not be judged solely by commercial standards or construed as an expression of the writer’s personal experiences (107).The final two chapters, on pseudonymity as metafiction and what Sparks terms “neo-Victorian Victorian” fiction by New Women writers, explore other strategies that writers adopted to evade gendered judgments, even as they further illustrate the stakes of Sparks’s argument. Conceiving the pseudonyms of Eliot and Brontë as a means to “disaffiliate from personal history by fronting their novels with a fiction,” Sparks demonstrates through reading the slim critical archive on fiction by Julia Nordau (pseud. Frank Danby) and Margaret Harkness (pseud. John Law) that even today these writers’ work is judged as much or more on a biographical (and sometimes political) basis as an aesthetic one (111). The feminist quest to uncover an authentic woman’s “voice” behind the male pseudonym disregards the metafictional status of the pseudonym itself as a species of what Wayne Booth called the implied author. Sparks drives home this point in an extended reading of The Autobiography of Christopher Kirkland (1885) that draws on Linda Hutcheon’s work to cast Linton’s text, in its likeness to and divergence from Linton’s “real” life, as historiographic metafiction. Continuing to use critical tools from the study of metafiction to inform her analysis, Sparks looks to Grant Allen’s The Type-Writer Girl (1897; pseud. Olive Pratt Rayner) and A Writer of Books (1898) by Symonds (pseud. George Paston)—both of which take aspiring women writers as their chief protagonists—for the ways in which their narratological and formal choices, “including intertextual allusion and parody,” announce that aspiration, especially in their resistance to realism (141).Albeit not surprising that she identifies a high degree of play in these late Victorian fictions, Sparks’s consideration of the cross-gender pseudonyms adopted by the two writers effectively illuminates a cultural shift over the course of the last half of the nineteenth century: from judging a book primarily by reference to its author’s sex to understanding “that writing can be gendered as a stylistic choice or representational technique” (150). Here as elsewhere, Sparks makes a double critique, in that she simultaneously calls out the feminist failure to observe or analyze the formal innovations of those women writers who aimed to change the terms by which their work was assessed and who contested the hegemony of realism well in advance of either Woolf or Joyce. On these points and others, Victorian Metafiction thus issues a clear and persuasive call to reorient feminist scholarship in new directions.","PeriodicalId":499402,"journal":{"name":"Victorians Institute journal","volume":"61 45","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Victorians Institute journal","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.5325/victinstj.50.2023.0294","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

Oxymoronic as it may sound, the title of Tabitha Sparks’s study of nineteenth-century “novels about women novelists” that “feature [their] own artistic construction as part of the story” is neither inaptly chosen nor purely polemical—although a subtitle might have been in order (1). Challenging the ongoing association of metafiction mainly with postmodernist experimentation and building on recent criticism that emphasizes realism’s “capacity for model building rather than its declarative power,” Victorian Metafiction locates its chief examples in what might appear the most unlikely of sources (8). Its central sites of analysis, excluding Charlotte Brontë’s Villette (1853), consist of underread nineteenth-century fiction by women, novels not known (if known at all) for taking narrative risks or playing the sort of games to which we have become habituated by Margaret Atwood and Don DeLillo. That the historical antecedents for metafiction don’t include nineteenth-century realism, and certainly not domestic realism, is for some critics axiomatic. Thus, even if scholars outside Victorian studies assert that “metafiction is not a historical phenomenon per se”—Sparks cites the seventeenth-century Don Quixote and the eighteenth-century Tristram Shandy as paradigmatic examples—they all agree that it is decidedly not a feature of the Victorian novel and indeed deploy nineteenth-century realism as a straw man against which the “metafictional self-consciousness and irony” of Umberto Eco or Ishmael Reed can be measured (13). Of course, Sparks challenges the reductive account of realism’s naïve dependence on access to “the real” even as she enriches our understanding of what metafiction might look like in a historical moment other than our own. In the process, she also makes a valuable contribution to rethinking the role that feminist criticism has played in keeping in place some of the assumptions that still consign a significant strand of nineteenth-century women’s fiction to noncanonical status.Sparks’s critical intervention depends on revising the genealogy of metafiction as it was established primarily in the 1970s and 1980s more or less simultaneously with—although at some distance from—the emergence of a feminist literary criticism that emphasized the recovery of women writers whose voices had been suppressed in and by the past. That genealogy itself depends on the usual story, invented by modernists and reinforced by modernist and postmodernist criticism, regarding the break from nineteenth-century realism: “Around or about 1910,” Sparks archly writes, “the artistic imagination changed and novelists like Virginia Woolf and James Joyce, tired of the superficiality of novels (and novelists) that described a world of surfaces, turned their attention to experimental representations of consciousness and other ineffable dimensions” (2). Taking these high modernists at their word, second-wave Anglo-American feminist criticism identified feminist aesthetics in the genre “as an extension or invention of the twentieth century,” thus relegating the works of Woolf’s and Joyce’s mothers and grandmothers to a dull and dusty bookshelf (24). At the same time, groundbreaking scholarly studies of nineteenth-century women writers, such as Elaine Showalter’s A Literature of Their Own and especially Sandra Gilbert and Susan Gubar’s The Madwoman in the Attic, persuasively argued that the patriarchal repressions and gendered ideologies of Victorian society issued in coded texts with subversive subtexts that were forged in relation to critical judgments of the time, in which particular suppositions about women’s limited sphere shaped the reception of their published work. But the Victorian assumption that all women’s writing was based in, and thus suffered from, the limitations of their personal experience, Sparks suggests, was reinforced rather than challenged by second-wave feminist criticism: as she writes in her conclusion, “when we evaluate women’s fiction primarily through the lenses of projected empathy and personal expression, we are not redressing the reasons that make these lenses so easy to identify with in the first place” (158).Victorian Metafiction takes an alternate path: in a particularly telling formulation, Sparks wonders how it is that “the patent insecurity of historical women writers in Victorian culture appears, again and again, in novels about a woman writer’s disputed, hidden, or maligned identity” (28–29). Herein lies her take on Victorian metafiction as practiced by women writers: she concentrates on “examining an aesthetic register that eclipses their personal emotions or experiences with attention to literary form” as part of an effort to credit them with “metafictional, not biographical, self-consciousness” (3). From one point of view, then, we might see such figures as Charlotte Brontë, Rhoda Broughton, Charlotte Riddell, Eliza Lynn Linton, and a host of New Woman writers from the 1890s as anticipating, albeit by different means, Woolf’s subsequent effort to limit or transcend biographical readings of her creative work. As Sparks shows in a brief reading of the infamous critique of Jane Eyre from A Room of One’s Own that baldly “conflates Brontë with her heroine,” Woolf enforced in her critical practice a putatively modernist emphasis on impersonality that actually has deep roots in the mid-Victorian thinking she had internalized about what women writers were—and were not—capable of achieving (154). If the formal strategies Woolf employed in creating Lily Briscoe in To the Lighthouse (1927) differ dramatically from those that Emily Morse Symonds used to form Cosima Chudleigh in A Writer of Books (1898), then the impulse underlying these creations may nonetheless derive from a similar motivation: to achieve the credibility and claim the credit Sparks seeks to bestow.Appropriately, Sparks’s first chapter concerns Villette, in which an elusive first-person narrator writes the story of only some passages in her life, either leaving out or elliptically revealing those parts that readers, whether Victorian or modern, might otherwise use as a key to diagnose or dissect the novel’s protagonist or, worse, its author. Unlike most of Sparks’s other primary texts, which center on “the business and art of writing as the subject of the novel,” Villette certainly does not present Lucy Snowe as an aspirant to literary fame or aesthetic achievement (2). It rather features a “resistance to self-disclosure” that—however much that reticence might mimic Brontë’s own—marks the novel as “a piece of experimental writing” comparable to Thomas Carlyle’s Sartor Resartus (1832–33) (55). In Sparks’s words, Villette “does not deny the autobiographical so much as call into question where a distinction between autobiography and fiction lies, and if it can be made at all” (58). By contrast, Broughton’s Cometh Up as a Flower (1867), the subject of chapter 2, takes its subtitle—An Autobiography—from Jane Eyre, but its protagonist moves ever closer to fictionalizing, as the real life she begins by reporting grows less and less compelling than the novels she has read. Analyzing Nell LeStrange’s use of the historical present tense and a compulsion to quotation that borders on pastiche as among the metafictional elements Broughton deliberately deploys, Sparks concludes that the novel is “so indebted to literary and other intertextual influences that its obtrusive constructedness overwhelms its illusion of realism or reportage” (87). A look at Broughton’s final novel, A Fool in Her Folly (1920), shows how Nell’s dilemma is refigured when its protagonist’s “wish to understand writing as an art form and technique” is deprecated by others and ultimately abandoned (89).The third chapter juxtaposes Margaret Oliphant’s The Athelings (1857) with Riddell’s A Struggle for Fame (1883) and moves from the prior consideration of how metafictional strategies “identify and critique barriers facing Victorian women writers” to examine how two very prolific professional novelists construct their portraits of the (female) artist in accord or in conflict with ideas about gender, genius, and the vicissitudes of the marketplace (91). The far less metafictional of the two, Oliphant’s novel subordinates any account of its protagonist as a writer to a conventionally gendered script. Though she apparently earns both, Agnes Atheling does not write for money or fame: “her writing matters not for her critical or public repute but for its efficacy in fulfilling her personal destiny”: marriage and, presumably, eventual motherhood (96). By contrast, Glenarva Westley has an agenda that alters over time. Although Glen imbibes Romantic ideals of the writerly vocation, Riddell increasingly ironizes them, as her protagonist migrates from Ireland to England with her impoverished father to seek their fortune in literary London, where her fiction—itself a product of a long struggle just to be published—is met with the usual critiques of women’s writing. Emulating her most successful contemporary, however, when Glen “adopts a view of art as practice in the pattern of Eliot’s experimental realism,” she produces a novel that meets her own evolving aesthetic standards (102). And this, rather than lasting fame, is her reward: she has completed “a bid for autonomous art”—as Riddell arguably did in taking up “the doubled position of a novelist writing a novel about a novelist”—that would not be judged solely by commercial standards or construed as an expression of the writer’s personal experiences (107).The final two chapters, on pseudonymity as metafiction and what Sparks terms “neo-Victorian Victorian” fiction by New Women writers, explore other strategies that writers adopted to evade gendered judgments, even as they further illustrate the stakes of Sparks’s argument. Conceiving the pseudonyms of Eliot and Brontë as a means to “disaffiliate from personal history by fronting their novels with a fiction,” Sparks demonstrates through reading the slim critical archive on fiction by Julia Nordau (pseud. Frank Danby) and Margaret Harkness (pseud. John Law) that even today these writers’ work is judged as much or more on a biographical (and sometimes political) basis as an aesthetic one (111). The feminist quest to uncover an authentic woman’s “voice” behind the male pseudonym disregards the metafictional status of the pseudonym itself as a species of what Wayne Booth called the implied author. Sparks drives home this point in an extended reading of The Autobiography of Christopher Kirkland (1885) that draws on Linda Hutcheon’s work to cast Linton’s text, in its likeness to and divergence from Linton’s “real” life, as historiographic metafiction. Continuing to use critical tools from the study of metafiction to inform her analysis, Sparks looks to Grant Allen’s The Type-Writer Girl (1897; pseud. Olive Pratt Rayner) and A Writer of Books (1898) by Symonds (pseud. George Paston)—both of which take aspiring women writers as their chief protagonists—for the ways in which their narratological and formal choices, “including intertextual allusion and parody,” announce that aspiration, especially in their resistance to realism (141).Albeit not surprising that she identifies a high degree of play in these late Victorian fictions, Sparks’s consideration of the cross-gender pseudonyms adopted by the two writers effectively illuminates a cultural shift over the course of the last half of the nineteenth century: from judging a book primarily by reference to its author’s sex to understanding “that writing can be gendered as a stylistic choice or representational technique” (150). Here as elsewhere, Sparks makes a double critique, in that she simultaneously calls out the feminist failure to observe or analyze the formal innovations of those women writers who aimed to change the terms by which their work was assessed and who contested the hegemony of realism well in advance of either Woolf or Joyce. On these points and others, Victorian Metafiction thus issues a clear and persuasive call to reorient feminist scholarship in new directions.
《维多利亚元小说》,塔比莎·斯帕克斯著
虽然听起来有点矛盾,塔比莎·斯帕克斯(Tabitha Sparks)对19世纪“关于女性小说家的小说”的研究,“将她们自己的艺术建构作为故事的一部分”,其标题既不恰当,也不纯粹是争论性的——尽管副标题可能是合适的(1)。挑战了元小说主要与后现代主义实验的持续联系,并建立在最近强调现实主义“模型构建能力而不是宣言力量”的批评之上。《维多利亚元小说》把主要的例子放在看似最不可能的来源中(8)。它的主要分析地点,除了夏洛特Brontë的维列特(1853),由未被充分阅读的19世纪女性小说组成,这些小说不知道(如果根本不知道)冒险叙事或玩我们已经习惯的玛格丽特·阿特伍德和唐·德里罗的游戏。元小说的历史先例不包括19世纪的现实主义,当然也不包括国内的现实主义,这对一些评论家来说是不言自明的。因此,即使维多利亚时代研究之外的学者断言“元小说本身不是一种历史现象”——斯帕克斯引用了17世纪的《堂吉诃德》和18世纪的崔斯特拉姆·珊迪作为典型的例子——他们都同意这绝对不是维多利亚时代小说的特征,而且确实把19世纪的现实主义作为一个稻草人,而翁贝托·艾柯或伊什梅尔·里德的“元小说的自我意识和讽刺”可以被衡量(13)。当然,斯帕克斯对现实主义naïve依赖于接近“真实”的简化描述提出了挑战,尽管她丰富了我们对元小说在我们自己以外的历史时刻可能是什么样子的理解。在这个过程中,她也做出了有价值的贡献,重新思考女权主义批评在保持一些假设方面所起的作用,这些假设仍然使19世纪女性小说的重要组成部分处于非正统地位。斯帕克斯的批评介入依赖于修改元小说的谱系,因为它主要是在20世纪70年代和80年代建立起来的,几乎与女权主义文学批评的出现同时出现——尽管距离有些距离——女权主义文学批评强调女性作家的复兴,她们的声音在过去受到压制。这种谱系本身依赖于通常的故事,由现代主义者发明,并由现代主义和后现代主义批评强化,关于19世纪现实主义的突破:“大约在1910年左右,”斯帕克斯巧妙地写道,“艺术想象力发生了变化,像弗吉尼亚·伍尔夫和詹姆斯·乔伊斯这样的小说家厌倦了肤浅的小说(和小说家),他们描述了一个表面的世界,把注意力转向对意识和其他不可言说的维度的实验表现”(2)。相信这些高级现代主义者的话,第二波英美女权主义批评认为,这种类型的女权主义美学“是20世纪的延伸或发明”。从而把伍尔夫和乔伊斯的母亲和祖母的作品贬到沉闷而布满灰尘的书架上(24)。与此同时,对19世纪女作家的开创性学术研究,比如伊莲·肖沃尔特的《她们自己的文学》尤其是桑德拉·吉尔伯特和苏珊·古巴的《阁楼上的疯女人》,令人信服地认为,维多利亚社会的父权压迫和性别意识形态在编码文本中发布,带有颠覆性的潜语,这些潜语与当时的批判性判断有关,其中关于女性活动范围有限的特定假设影响了她们出版作品的接受程度。但是,斯帕克斯认为,维多利亚时代的假设,即所有女性的写作都是建立在她们个人经历的局限性之上的,因此也受到了她们个人经历的限制,这种假设并没有受到第二波女权主义批评的挑战,而是得到了加强:正如她在结论中所写的那样,“当我们主要通过投射的同理心和个人表达来评估女性小说时,我们并没有纠正最初使这些镜头如此容易被认同的原因”(158)。维多利亚时代的元小说选择了另一条道路:在一个特别生动的表述中,斯帕克斯想知道“维多利亚文化中历史上的女性作家的明显不安全感是如何一次又一次地出现在关于女性作家有争议的、隐藏的或被诽谤的身份的小说中”(28-29)。这就是她对维多利亚时代女性作家所实践的元小说的看法:她专注于“审视一种超越她们个人情感或经历的审美范围,关注文学形式”,作为将她们归功于“元小说,而不是传记,自我意识”的努力的一部分(3)。 最后两章,关于假名作为元小说和斯帕克斯所说的新女性作家的“新维多利亚维多利亚”小说,探讨了作家们为逃避性别判断而采取的其他策略,即使它们进一步说明了斯帕克斯的论点的风险。斯帕克斯认为艾略特和Brontë的笔名是一种“通过在小说前面加上虚构来脱离个人历史”的手段,他通过阅读朱莉娅·诺道(Julia Nordau,化名)撰写的关于小说的少量评论档案来证明这一点。弗兰克·丹比)和玛格丽特·哈克尼斯(假的)。约翰·劳(John Law))认为,即使在今天,人们对这些作家作品的评价也更多地是基于传记(有时是政治),而不是美学(111)。女权主义者寻求揭示男性笔名背后真实的女性“声音”,忽视了笔名本身的元虚构地位,即韦恩·布斯(Wayne Booth)所说的隐含作者的一种。斯帕克斯在《克里斯托弗·柯克兰自传》(1885)的延伸阅读中阐述了这一点,这本书借鉴了琳达·哈钦的作品,将林顿的文本作为历史元小说,既与林顿的“真实”生活相似,又有所不同。斯帕克斯继续使用元小说研究中的批判性工具来为她的分析提供信息,她把目光投向了格兰特·艾伦的《打字机女孩》(1897;不诚实的。奥利弗·普拉特·雷纳)和西蒙兹(化名)的《一个作家》(1898)。(乔治·帕斯顿)——两者都以有抱负的女作家为主要主角——因为她们的叙事方式和形式选择,“包括互文典故和戏仿”,都表明了这种抱负,尤其是在她们对现实主义的抵制中(141)。尽管斯帕克斯认为这些维多利亚时代晚期的小说中有高度的戏剧色彩并不奇怪,但她对两位作家使用的跨性别笔名的思考,有效地说明了19世纪后半叶的文化转变:从主要通过作者的性别来判断一本书,到理解“写作可以作为一种风格选择或表现技巧而被性别化”(150)。在这里和其他地方一样,斯帕克斯进行了双重批判,她同时指出女权主义者未能观察或分析那些女性作家的形式创新,这些女性作家旨在改变评估她们作品的术语,并在伍尔夫或乔伊斯之前就对现实主义的霸权提出了质疑。在这些观点和其他观点上,维多利亚元小说因此发出了一个清晰而有说服力的呼吁,要求重新定位女权主义学术的新方向。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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