The Wa of Myanmar and China's Quest for Global Dominance

IF 1.3 1区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES
Magnus Fiskesjö
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In China, they came under direct Chinese rule and suffered Mao's Cultural Revolution; in Burma, the Chinese-supported and Chinese-supplied Communist Party of Burma moved in and were able to recruit Wa foot soldiers. But the Chinese-supported CPB made no headway toward a Communist revolution in Burma—what would have been the first attempt to realize what the current book's subtitle refers to as “China's Quest for Global Dominance.” This was “the plan that failed.”In 1989, while the world was busy with other things, the Burmese Communist leaders were ousted (and exiled to China) by their former foot soldiers, who now declared themselves to be the United Wa State Army. Lintner told the CPB story in another book1 and retells this fascinating story, with additional details from new research, in the present one. He is proud to have predicted, two years ahead of time, the mutiny of the Wa former foot soldiers.Over the years, Lintner has continued to publish innumerable news reports and analyses about the Wa, the UWSA, and other insurgents in Burma, not least in terms of their involvement in both opium and (later) the synthetic drug trade, as well as several books on China's expansive strategy in Burma, the Indian Ocean, and in its confrontations with India. This new book is a rewarding summing up of the modern history of the Wa and of Lintner's own nuanced understanding of this intriguing people, including their strategic importance for Chinese policy.Having done research on Wa culture and history, I very much sympathize with Lintner's call for a better understanding and more communication with the Wa, including the ethnonationalist leaders that rule the Wa State. Drugs may have been important in the past, but we should not think of this as the only story. Today, Lintner says, the Wa State supplies China with rare earths. And as for the concerns of the Wa leaders, they lie in self-preservation and autonomy, to be “masters of their own destiny” (8) and to avoid the fate of ending up as someone else's proxy. Given these goals, their chief challenges are to delicately navigate relations both with the blood-soaked Burmese military regime and with the even more dangerous and increasingly economically and militarily powerful Chinese regime—on which the Wa depend for both trade and weaponry.Lintner describes these relations in great detail: the spillover of the Chinese civil war, of World War II, the troubled history of the CPB, and the subsequent “Growth of the UWSA” (chapter 4) and its entanglements with narcotics, complicated further by the Chinese government's fleeting alliances with drugmakers (chapter 5).Lintner's main argument about China's role is that while the Chinese regime may have abandoned its former quest to impose the Communist model around the world, the original underlying strategy of using Burma as a springboard to global dominance actually remains the same. It finds new life in “The Plan That Might Succeed” (chapter 6): today's China mainly exports consumer goods but is also busy securing trade dependencies and installing infrastructure that can give access to natural resources beyond its borders. The Wa State, because of its status as a buffer pacifying the “economic corridor” from China to the Indian Ocean through Burma, has come to represent a site of certain strategic importance in China's renewed quest. And by way of its economic dominance (even the currency of the Wa State is Chinese, not Burmese money), China gains leverage on Burma as a whole.Here, I have long felt there is room for comparison with Russia's insidious, engineered “frozen conflicts,” meant to paralyze and subdue its “near abroad.” As Lintner discusses, China's government inserts itself into the Burmese domestic peace process (now suspended, of course), but not necessarily to achieve the lasting, just peace that many Burmese are hoping for. Instead, it is simply to secure a stable environment for its own investments and infrastructure “corridors.”It is true that China's means of influence are sometimes less crude, such as in the COVID vaccinations that China recently offered to the Wa State in Burma, as Lintner points out. But China also interferes more crudely in Burma, even to defend its new dams on Burma's rivers (so they can provide electricity for China!). But its outward framing is often phrased as “friendship” and is conceived as more long-term, “not just for this year, or next year,” as Lintner puts it in an excellent half-hour NIAS podcast interview about his research.2Exploited as a key target of Chinese policy, the Wa need our sympathy and understanding. Lintner's book is a major contribution, dispelling myths and laying out the facts about the geopolitical challenges faced by the Wa. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

Bertil Lintner is a longtime observer of Burmese and Asian affairs and is the author of many books, notably on Asia's illicit drug trade as well as on North Korea and other topics. His books include Land of Jade: A Journey through Insurgent Burma (1990), in which he describes the journey he and his wife undertook in 1985–87, on foot, to visit all the insurgent forces active in Northern Burma (Myanmar)—including what was then the Communist Party of Burma's base camps in today's Wa State.The semiautonomous Wa State is located in the part of the Wa lands that ended up as part of Burma in the 1960s, when the newly independent Burma and Communist China cut the ancient Wa lands in two. In China, they came under direct Chinese rule and suffered Mao's Cultural Revolution; in Burma, the Chinese-supported and Chinese-supplied Communist Party of Burma moved in and were able to recruit Wa foot soldiers. But the Chinese-supported CPB made no headway toward a Communist revolution in Burma—what would have been the first attempt to realize what the current book's subtitle refers to as “China's Quest for Global Dominance.” This was “the plan that failed.”In 1989, while the world was busy with other things, the Burmese Communist leaders were ousted (and exiled to China) by their former foot soldiers, who now declared themselves to be the United Wa State Army. Lintner told the CPB story in another book1 and retells this fascinating story, with additional details from new research, in the present one. He is proud to have predicted, two years ahead of time, the mutiny of the Wa former foot soldiers.Over the years, Lintner has continued to publish innumerable news reports and analyses about the Wa, the UWSA, and other insurgents in Burma, not least in terms of their involvement in both opium and (later) the synthetic drug trade, as well as several books on China's expansive strategy in Burma, the Indian Ocean, and in its confrontations with India. This new book is a rewarding summing up of the modern history of the Wa and of Lintner's own nuanced understanding of this intriguing people, including their strategic importance for Chinese policy.Having done research on Wa culture and history, I very much sympathize with Lintner's call for a better understanding and more communication with the Wa, including the ethnonationalist leaders that rule the Wa State. Drugs may have been important in the past, but we should not think of this as the only story. Today, Lintner says, the Wa State supplies China with rare earths. And as for the concerns of the Wa leaders, they lie in self-preservation and autonomy, to be “masters of their own destiny” (8) and to avoid the fate of ending up as someone else's proxy. Given these goals, their chief challenges are to delicately navigate relations both with the blood-soaked Burmese military regime and with the even more dangerous and increasingly economically and militarily powerful Chinese regime—on which the Wa depend for both trade and weaponry.Lintner describes these relations in great detail: the spillover of the Chinese civil war, of World War II, the troubled history of the CPB, and the subsequent “Growth of the UWSA” (chapter 4) and its entanglements with narcotics, complicated further by the Chinese government's fleeting alliances with drugmakers (chapter 5).Lintner's main argument about China's role is that while the Chinese regime may have abandoned its former quest to impose the Communist model around the world, the original underlying strategy of using Burma as a springboard to global dominance actually remains the same. It finds new life in “The Plan That Might Succeed” (chapter 6): today's China mainly exports consumer goods but is also busy securing trade dependencies and installing infrastructure that can give access to natural resources beyond its borders. The Wa State, because of its status as a buffer pacifying the “economic corridor” from China to the Indian Ocean through Burma, has come to represent a site of certain strategic importance in China's renewed quest. And by way of its economic dominance (even the currency of the Wa State is Chinese, not Burmese money), China gains leverage on Burma as a whole.Here, I have long felt there is room for comparison with Russia's insidious, engineered “frozen conflicts,” meant to paralyze and subdue its “near abroad.” As Lintner discusses, China's government inserts itself into the Burmese domestic peace process (now suspended, of course), but not necessarily to achieve the lasting, just peace that many Burmese are hoping for. Instead, it is simply to secure a stable environment for its own investments and infrastructure “corridors.”It is true that China's means of influence are sometimes less crude, such as in the COVID vaccinations that China recently offered to the Wa State in Burma, as Lintner points out. But China also interferes more crudely in Burma, even to defend its new dams on Burma's rivers (so they can provide electricity for China!). But its outward framing is often phrased as “friendship” and is conceived as more long-term, “not just for this year, or next year,” as Lintner puts it in an excellent half-hour NIAS podcast interview about his research.2Exploited as a key target of Chinese policy, the Wa need our sympathy and understanding. Lintner's book is a major contribution, dispelling myths and laying out the facts about the geopolitical challenges faced by the Wa. The key takeaway message is: “The Wa deserve a better future.”
缅甸战争与中国对全球主导地位的追求
林特纳(Bertil Lintner)长期关注缅甸和亚洲事务,著有多本著作,尤其是关于亚洲非法毒品贸易以及朝鲜等问题的著作。他的书包括《玉地:缅甸叛乱之旅》(1990),书中描述了他和妻子在1985年至1987年徒步旅行的经历,他们参观了所有活跃在缅甸北部的叛乱力量——包括当时缅甸共产党在今天的佤邦的大本营。半自治的佤邦位于20世纪60年代成为缅甸一部分的佤族土地上,当时新独立的缅甸和共产主义中国将古老的佤族土地一分为二。在中国,他们受到中国的直接统治,遭受了毛的文化大革命;在缅甸,中国支持和供应的缅甸共产党进驻并招募了佤族步兵。但是中国支持的CPB在缅甸的共产主义革命上没有取得任何进展——这将是实现本书副标题所称的“中国寻求全球主导地位”的第一次尝试。这就是“失败的计划”。1989年,当世界忙于其他事情时,缅甸共产党领导人被他们的前步兵赶下台(并流亡到中国),他们现在宣布自己是佤邦联合军。林特纳在另一本书中讲述了CPB的故事,并在这本书中重新讲述了这个迷人的故事,并从新的研究中获得了更多细节。他很自豪地提前两年预言了佤族前步兵的兵变。多年来,林特纳继续发表了无数关于佤联军、佤联军和缅甸其他叛乱分子的新闻报道和分析,尤其是关于他们参与鸦片和(后来的)合成毒品贸易的报道和分析,他还出版了几本关于中国在缅甸、印度洋以及与印度对抗的扩张战略的书。这本新书是对佤族近代史的有益总结,也是林特纳对佤族这个有趣民族的细致理解的总结,包括他们对中国政策的战略重要性。在研究过佤族文化和历史之后,我非常赞同林特纳的呼吁,即更好地理解和更多地与佤族,包括统治佤邦的民族主义领导人进行交流。药物在过去可能很重要,但我们不应该认为这是唯一的故事。林特纳说,今天,佤邦向中国供应稀土。至于佤族领导人关心的问题,则在于自我保护和自治,成为“自己命运的主人”,避免沦为别人的代理人。考虑到这些目标,他们的主要挑战是微妙地处理好与血腥的缅甸军政府和更加危险的、经济和军事上日益强大的中国政权的关系——佤邦在贸易和武器上都依赖于中国。林特纳非常详细地描述了这些关系:中国内战的蔓延,第二次世界大战,CPB的麻烦历史,以及随后的“UWSA的成长”(第4章)及其与毒品的纠缠,由于中国政府与制药商的短暂联盟而进一步复杂化(第5章)。林特纳关于中国角色的主要论点是,尽管中国政权可能已经放弃了以前在世界各地推行共产主义模式的追求,美国最初的基本战略,即利用缅甸作为跳板,在全球占据主导地位,实际上并没有改变。它在“可能成功的计划”(第六章)中找到了新的生命:今天的中国主要出口消费品,但也在忙着确保贸易依赖,并安装可以获得境外自然资源的基础设施。佤邦,由于其作为从中国经缅甸到印度洋的“经济走廊”的缓冲地带的地位,已经成为中国重新寻求的一个具有一定战略重要性的地点。通过其经济主导地位(甚至佤邦的货币都是中国的,而不是缅甸的货币),中国在整个缅甸获得了影响力。长期以来,我一直觉得,这里与俄罗斯阴险的、精心策划的“冻结冲突”有可比性,后者旨在麻痹和征服其“近邻”。正如林特纳所讨论的那样,中国政府介入了缅甸国内的和平进程(当然,现在已经暂停),但并不一定是为了实现许多缅甸人所希望的持久和平。相反,它只是为自己的投资和基础设施“走廊”确保一个稳定的环境。林特纳指出,的确,中国的影响手段有时不那么粗暴,比如中国最近向缅甸佤邦提供的COVID疫苗接种。 但中国对缅甸的干涉也更加粗暴,甚至是为了保护其在缅甸河流上新建的水坝(这样它们就可以为中国提供电力!)但它的外在框架通常被称为“友谊”,并且被认为是更长期的,“不仅仅是今年,或者明年”,正如林特纳在NIAS播客上对他的研究进行的半小时精彩采访中所说的那样。作为中国政策的主要目标,佤族需要我们的同情和理解。林特纳的书是一个重要的贡献,它打破了神话,列出了佤族面临的地缘政治挑战的事实。关键的信息是:“佤族应该有一个更好的未来。”
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
2.70
自引率
5.30%
发文量
193
期刊介绍: The Journal of Asian Studies (JAS) has played a defining role in the field of Asian studies for over 65 years. JAS publishes the very best empirical and multidisciplinary work on Asia, spanning the arts, history, literature, the social sciences, and cultural studies. Experts around the world turn to this quarterly journal for the latest in-depth scholarship on Asia"s past and present, for its extensive book reviews, and for its state-of-the-field essays on established and emerging topics. With coverage reaching from South and Southeast Asia to China, Inner Asia, and Northeast Asia, JAS welcomes broad comparative and transnational studies as well as essays emanating from fine-grained historical, cultural, political, or literary research and interpretation.
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