Bringing the Young and the Tech into Indonesia’s Digital Education Politics and the Geopolitical Impact

IF 0.3 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
Aizawa Nobuhiro
{"title":"Bringing the Young and the Tech into Indonesia’s Digital Education Politics and the Geopolitical Impact","authors":"Aizawa Nobuhiro","doi":"10.1080/13439006.2023.2254634","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"AbstractIndonesia’s appointment of an ex-CEO of a home-grown tech company in reforming the bureaucracy raises the question of how the government is reshaping its role in education politics in an era of digital transformation. This is a question important not only in understanding domestic politics but also in understanding foreign relations of human capital development.This article analyzes the case of the Indonesian government’s decision in 2019 to bring in the tech and the young to the Ministry of Education and Culture. The author argues that this decision was made both for the country and for the bureaucracy’s survival and for seeking competitiveness in a leapfrogging manner. This decision goes against the conventional understanding that in the state-society relationship, digital transformation in the bureaucracy is lagging behind and corporations are moving ahead. For Indonesia, with its strong motivation to accelerate national development and counter digital colonialism, a unique political-economic alliance and partnership was made for dramatic bureaucratic reform.This leapfrogging reform also implies that diplomatic mismatch is likely to happen in an international human capital development agenda where bureaucratic cooperation is increasingly necessary but the difference in bureaucratic reforms widens. AcknowledgementThis work was supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant Number JP22H03840 and Research Project “Geopolitics of Digital Authoritarianization and Democratization” undertaken by the Research Institute of Economy, Trade and Industry (RIETI) and Kyushu University.Notes1 ASEAN Summit 2023, “Epicentrum of Growth,” ASEAN-Indonesia 2023. (https://asean2023.id/en/page/asean-2023/epicentrum-of-growth).2 This government-led ICT reform as a critical national agenda, along with the emergence of the knowledge economy, has been repeatedly touted in the United Nations (UN) and Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) arena. The early version is the United Nations Commission on Science and Technology for Development, Report of the Working Group on ICTs for Development prepared for the 3rd Session: May 12, 1997.3 US Mission to ASEAN, “Joint Statement on Human Capital Development,” November 14, 2020. (https://asean.usmission.gov/joint-statement-on-human-capital-development-at-the-8th-asean-u-s-summit/)4 His company Gojek, which initially started two-wheeled ride-hailing services and courier delivery, has now transformed into a super app, providing more than 20 services ranging from transportation, food delivery, groceries, massage, house cleaning, and logistics to a cashless digital payment platform called GoPay. The company has gained the status of “decacorn,” a financial term for a startup company that has grown its value to at least $10 billion.5 The Ministry of Education and Culture was named the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research and Technology after the merger of the Ministry of Education and Culture and the Ministry of Research and Technology in 2021.6 Office of Assistant to Deputy Cabinet Secretary for State Documents & Translation, “President Jokowi Names 7 Millennials as Presidential Special Staff,” November 21, 2019. (https://setkab.go.id/en/president-jokowi-names-7-millennials-as-presidential-special-staff/)7 “Jokowi picks young people to presidential expert staff for their ‘fresh, innovative ideas’” - National - The Jakarta Post. (https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2019/11/21/jokowi-picks-young-people-to-presidential-expert-staff-for-their-fresh-innovative-ideas.html.)8 Alex Thompson, “A Google billionaire’s fingerprints are all over Biden’s science office,” Politico.com, March 28, 2022. (https://www.politico.com/news/2022/03/28/google-billionaire-joe-biden-science-office-00020712) Notably, Eric Schmidt’s Schmidt Futures issued a statement to deny the gist of this reporting by referring to “The unsubstantiated thesis of the article is that there was undue influence over the department, which there was not.” This is a clear signal that the “influence” has been considered politically illegitimate, contrasting with the Indonesian case. Schmidt Futures, “Statement on Science Funding,” March 28, 2022. (https://www.schmidtfutures.com/our-work/statement-on-science-funding/). Schmidt’s denial was reported on March 29, 2022 (https://www.cnbc.com/2022/03/29/ex-google-ceo-eric-schmidt-responds-to-white-house-related-allegations.html).9 Indonesia has a Ministry of Communication and Informatics.10 Nobuhiro Aizawa, “Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security,” Security Studies, Vol. 03 No. 02 June 2021. Also in The Jakarta Post October 23, 2019. (https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2019/10/23/work-fast-work-hard-jokowi-conveys-hopes-for-his-new-cabinet-members.html).11 Andrew Rosser, Beyond access: Making Indonesia’s education system work, Lowyinstitute.org, February 21, 2018. (https://www.lowyinstitute.org/publications/beyond-access-making-indonesia-s-education-system-work#_ednref29)12 Laila Afifah, editor, “Jokowi Asks Nadiem Makarim to Conduct Major Reform in Curriculum,” TEMPO.co website, November 1, 2019. (https://en.tempo.co/read/1266992/jokowi-asks-nadiem-makarim-to-conduct-major-reform-in-curriculum)13 “Merah Putih,” or “Red and White,” is a term referring to Indonesia’s National Flag.14 Erwida Maulia, “Motorbike taxi Go-Jek’s Indonesia driver appeal backfires as rivalry heats up,” Nikkei Asia newspaper, April 22, 2016. (https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/Motorbike-taxi-Go-Jek-s-Indonesia-driver-appeal-backfires-as-rivalry-heats-up)15 Gojek gained major investments from major foreign funds such as Softbank Group Corp., Alibaba Group Holding Limited, and Google LLC, to name a few among the long list of foreign investors. This “national” claim was soon refuted by Tech in Asia (English-language technology media company) (https://www.techinasia.com/) reporting that Gojek is supported by Singaporean, American, and Chinese venture capital and also that Gojek is acquiring foreign companies, such as two Indian startups—the Bangalore-based C42 Engineering India Pvt. Ltd. And the Delhi-based CodeIgnition Software Solutions Pvt. Ltd.—in 2015. The motive behind Gojek’s acquisition of the two Indian start-up techs was to build a research and development center in Bangalore and, at the same time to take advantage of the startup and tech experience in India. Consequently, Gojek managed to launch 19 new products, which resulted in the skyrocketing of Gojek’s transactions as much as nine-hundredfold. This shows that while claiming its “national” status, his operation and investment practices are essentially growing transnational.16 List of apps they produced and the annotation are cited from GovTech Edu portal (https://www.govtechedu.id/our-work-impact).17 GovTech Edu portal (https://www.govtechedu.id/about-us)18 Nadiem Makarim: “We Have to Bring In Outsiders,” TEMPO, October 17, 2022. https://en.tempo.co/read/1646723/nadiem-makarim-we-have-to-bring-in-outsiders#:~:text=Education%2C%20Culture%2C%20Research%2C%20and%20Technology%20Minister%20Nadiem%20Makarim,Headquarters%20in%20New%20York%2C%20United%20States%2C%20last%20September.19 Ibid.20 According to an Indikator Politik Indonesia survey of 1,520 respondents (June 19, 2022) cited in TEMPO, October 17, 2022. A total of 69.4% responded Very Satisfactory or Satisfactory regarding his work, and to the question “Do you believe Nadiem can advance education?” 65.9% responded either “very much so” or “Yes.”21 Ong, J. C., & Tapsell, R. “Demystifying disinformation shadow economies: Fake news work models in Indonesia and the Philippines,” Asian Journal of Communication, 32(3), 2022, pp251–267.SAFEnet, Digital Rights Situation Report Indonesia 2021: “The digital rights situation in Indonesia is still not getting better. While the pandemic is getting under control, digital repression is actually getting higher.” SAFEnet, May 3, 2022. (https://safenet.or.id/in-indonesia-digital-repression-is-keep-continues/)22 Yatun Sastramidjaja and Wijayanto point out that, especially since 2019, cyber troop operations have played a crucial role in three controversial events in which public opinion had been initially critical of the government policy at issue. These were, first, the revision of the Law on the Commission for the Eradication of Criminal Acts of Corruption in September 2019; second, the launch of the New Normal policy during the COVID-19 pandemic in May 2020; and third, the passing of the Omnibus Law on Job Creation in October 2020. Yatun Sastramidjaja and Wijayanto, Cyber Troops, Online Manipulation of Public Opinion and Co-optation of Indonesia’s Cybersphere, Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2022.23 Ibid.Ward Berenschot, Yatun Sastramidjaya, Wijayanto, and Ismail Fahmi, “The threat of cyber troops,” Inside Indonesia website, 146 (2021), https://www.insideindonesia.org/editions/edition-146-oct-dec-2021/the-threat-of-cyber-troops.24 Yatun Sastramidjaya and Wijayanto 2020, “JBD Klaim Bayar Pesohor dari Sumbangan Akademikus dan Pengusaha,” Koran Tempo website, August 18, 2020. (https://koran.tempo.co/read/nasional/456902/jbd-klaim-bayar-pesohor-dari-sumbangan-akademikus-dan-pengusaha)25 At the time of writing, May 2023.26 Outside of the ministerial position, we could find roles such as ex-Google Chief Eric Schmidt chairing the National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence between 2018 and 2021 (https://www.nscai.gov/commissioners/). For diplomatic occasions, we would see the names of top tech company CEOs listed in the State dinner guest list. (https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2023/06/22/white-house-releases-state-dinner-guest-list-2/)27 “Biden’s antitrust push moves to courts as Google, Big Tech fight back,” The Washington Post, February 26, 2023 (https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2023/02/26/antitrust-google-doj-tech/)28 Ibid.29 “China regulator fines Alibaba, Tencent for disclosure violations,” Reuters.com July 10, 2022. (https://www.reuters.com/world/china/china-regulator-fines-alibaba-tencent-disclosure-violations-2022-07-10/)30 “Didi says removal of the app in China will affect business,” BBC.com, July 5, 2021. (https://www.bbc.com/news/business-57716131)31 “China’s Government to Take Golden Shares in Alibaba, Tencent,” Bloomberg.com, January 13, 2023. (https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2023-01-13/alibaba-tencent-fall-after-report-beijing-taking-golden-shares)32 Winston Ma, “Breaking the Big Tech Monopoly: The Coming Decade of Big Tech Regulations.” Horizons: Journal of International Relations and Sustainable Development, no. 18, 2021, pp. 166–79.33 Ibid.34 OECD, Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) results from PISA 2018, Indonesia, 2018. (https://www.oecd.org/pisa/publications/PISA2018_CN_IDN.pdf)35 Nadiem’s perspective of the low-performing education system as an advantage for reform was addressed in a podcast with former Minister of Commerce Gita Wirjawan. “Nadiem Makarim: Siap DihujatDemi Bela Generasi Berikutnya(Nadiem Makarim: Ready to take any words of blasphemy for the sake of defending the upcoming generation)” Endgame, January 11, 2023. (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TSER7bEmkXg)36 A sign of this trend could already be seen in the Indonesian President’s visit to the US in 2022. When Joko Widodo visited the US for the US-ASEAN summit meeting, he showcased his meeting with Elon Musk at the SpaceX facility to his fellow Indonesians more than his meeting with US President Joe Biden.37 The traditional concept of national interest in developing human capital, which is centered around the values of national development, national security, and fairness, could be quickly transformed into, for example, applicability, scalability, and swiftness.Additional informationNotes on contributorsAizawa NobuhiroAizawa Nobuhiro is Associate Professor of Graduate School of Social and Cultural Studies, Kyushu University. His research focus is international relations between Northeast and Southeast Asia. His particular interest lies in Southeast Asian politics, especially on Indonesia and Thailand. He currently works on a project analyzing international politics of digital infrastructure and the emerging Southeast Asian elite network on the rise of the Asian digital economy. He has been a Wilson Center Japan Scholar, a Visiting Scholar at Thammasat University, Chulalongkorn University, Cornell University, and Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), (currently the National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN)) of Indonesia. He is a former Research Associate at the Institute of Development Economies-JETRO, National Graduate Institute of Policy Studies.","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3000,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Asia-Pacific Review","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2023.2254634","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q4","JCRName":"INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

AbstractIndonesia’s appointment of an ex-CEO of a home-grown tech company in reforming the bureaucracy raises the question of how the government is reshaping its role in education politics in an era of digital transformation. This is a question important not only in understanding domestic politics but also in understanding foreign relations of human capital development.This article analyzes the case of the Indonesian government’s decision in 2019 to bring in the tech and the young to the Ministry of Education and Culture. The author argues that this decision was made both for the country and for the bureaucracy’s survival and for seeking competitiveness in a leapfrogging manner. This decision goes against the conventional understanding that in the state-society relationship, digital transformation in the bureaucracy is lagging behind and corporations are moving ahead. For Indonesia, with its strong motivation to accelerate national development and counter digital colonialism, a unique political-economic alliance and partnership was made for dramatic bureaucratic reform.This leapfrogging reform also implies that diplomatic mismatch is likely to happen in an international human capital development agenda where bureaucratic cooperation is increasingly necessary but the difference in bureaucratic reforms widens. AcknowledgementThis work was supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant Number JP22H03840 and Research Project “Geopolitics of Digital Authoritarianization and Democratization” undertaken by the Research Institute of Economy, Trade and Industry (RIETI) and Kyushu University.Notes1 ASEAN Summit 2023, “Epicentrum of Growth,” ASEAN-Indonesia 2023. (https://asean2023.id/en/page/asean-2023/epicentrum-of-growth).2 This government-led ICT reform as a critical national agenda, along with the emergence of the knowledge economy, has been repeatedly touted in the United Nations (UN) and Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) arena. The early version is the United Nations Commission on Science and Technology for Development, Report of the Working Group on ICTs for Development prepared for the 3rd Session: May 12, 1997.3 US Mission to ASEAN, “Joint Statement on Human Capital Development,” November 14, 2020. (https://asean.usmission.gov/joint-statement-on-human-capital-development-at-the-8th-asean-u-s-summit/)4 His company Gojek, which initially started two-wheeled ride-hailing services and courier delivery, has now transformed into a super app, providing more than 20 services ranging from transportation, food delivery, groceries, massage, house cleaning, and logistics to a cashless digital payment platform called GoPay. The company has gained the status of “decacorn,” a financial term for a startup company that has grown its value to at least $10 billion.5 The Ministry of Education and Culture was named the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research and Technology after the merger of the Ministry of Education and Culture and the Ministry of Research and Technology in 2021.6 Office of Assistant to Deputy Cabinet Secretary for State Documents & Translation, “President Jokowi Names 7 Millennials as Presidential Special Staff,” November 21, 2019. (https://setkab.go.id/en/president-jokowi-names-7-millennials-as-presidential-special-staff/)7 “Jokowi picks young people to presidential expert staff for their ‘fresh, innovative ideas’” - National - The Jakarta Post. (https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2019/11/21/jokowi-picks-young-people-to-presidential-expert-staff-for-their-fresh-innovative-ideas.html.)8 Alex Thompson, “A Google billionaire’s fingerprints are all over Biden’s science office,” Politico.com, March 28, 2022. (https://www.politico.com/news/2022/03/28/google-billionaire-joe-biden-science-office-00020712) Notably, Eric Schmidt’s Schmidt Futures issued a statement to deny the gist of this reporting by referring to “The unsubstantiated thesis of the article is that there was undue influence over the department, which there was not.” This is a clear signal that the “influence” has been considered politically illegitimate, contrasting with the Indonesian case. Schmidt Futures, “Statement on Science Funding,” March 28, 2022. (https://www.schmidtfutures.com/our-work/statement-on-science-funding/). Schmidt’s denial was reported on March 29, 2022 (https://www.cnbc.com/2022/03/29/ex-google-ceo-eric-schmidt-responds-to-white-house-related-allegations.html).9 Indonesia has a Ministry of Communication and Informatics.10 Nobuhiro Aizawa, “Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security,” Security Studies, Vol. 03 No. 02 June 2021. Also in The Jakarta Post October 23, 2019. (https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2019/10/23/work-fast-work-hard-jokowi-conveys-hopes-for-his-new-cabinet-members.html).11 Andrew Rosser, Beyond access: Making Indonesia’s education system work, Lowyinstitute.org, February 21, 2018. (https://www.lowyinstitute.org/publications/beyond-access-making-indonesia-s-education-system-work#_ednref29)12 Laila Afifah, editor, “Jokowi Asks Nadiem Makarim to Conduct Major Reform in Curriculum,” TEMPO.co website, November 1, 2019. (https://en.tempo.co/read/1266992/jokowi-asks-nadiem-makarim-to-conduct-major-reform-in-curriculum)13 “Merah Putih,” or “Red and White,” is a term referring to Indonesia’s National Flag.14 Erwida Maulia, “Motorbike taxi Go-Jek’s Indonesia driver appeal backfires as rivalry heats up,” Nikkei Asia newspaper, April 22, 2016. (https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/Motorbike-taxi-Go-Jek-s-Indonesia-driver-appeal-backfires-as-rivalry-heats-up)15 Gojek gained major investments from major foreign funds such as Softbank Group Corp., Alibaba Group Holding Limited, and Google LLC, to name a few among the long list of foreign investors. This “national” claim was soon refuted by Tech in Asia (English-language technology media company) (https://www.techinasia.com/) reporting that Gojek is supported by Singaporean, American, and Chinese venture capital and also that Gojek is acquiring foreign companies, such as two Indian startups—the Bangalore-based C42 Engineering India Pvt. Ltd. And the Delhi-based CodeIgnition Software Solutions Pvt. Ltd.—in 2015. The motive behind Gojek’s acquisition of the two Indian start-up techs was to build a research and development center in Bangalore and, at the same time to take advantage of the startup and tech experience in India. Consequently, Gojek managed to launch 19 new products, which resulted in the skyrocketing of Gojek’s transactions as much as nine-hundredfold. This shows that while claiming its “national” status, his operation and investment practices are essentially growing transnational.16 List of apps they produced and the annotation are cited from GovTech Edu portal (https://www.govtechedu.id/our-work-impact).17 GovTech Edu portal (https://www.govtechedu.id/about-us)18 Nadiem Makarim: “We Have to Bring In Outsiders,” TEMPO, October 17, 2022. https://en.tempo.co/read/1646723/nadiem-makarim-we-have-to-bring-in-outsiders#:~:text=Education%2C%20Culture%2C%20Research%2C%20and%20Technology%20Minister%20Nadiem%20Makarim,Headquarters%20in%20New%20York%2C%20United%20States%2C%20last%20September.19 Ibid.20 According to an Indikator Politik Indonesia survey of 1,520 respondents (June 19, 2022) cited in TEMPO, October 17, 2022. A total of 69.4% responded Very Satisfactory or Satisfactory regarding his work, and to the question “Do you believe Nadiem can advance education?” 65.9% responded either “very much so” or “Yes.”21 Ong, J. C., & Tapsell, R. “Demystifying disinformation shadow economies: Fake news work models in Indonesia and the Philippines,” Asian Journal of Communication, 32(3), 2022, pp251–267.SAFEnet, Digital Rights Situation Report Indonesia 2021: “The digital rights situation in Indonesia is still not getting better. While the pandemic is getting under control, digital repression is actually getting higher.” SAFEnet, May 3, 2022. (https://safenet.or.id/in-indonesia-digital-repression-is-keep-continues/)22 Yatun Sastramidjaja and Wijayanto point out that, especially since 2019, cyber troop operations have played a crucial role in three controversial events in which public opinion had been initially critical of the government policy at issue. These were, first, the revision of the Law on the Commission for the Eradication of Criminal Acts of Corruption in September 2019; second, the launch of the New Normal policy during the COVID-19 pandemic in May 2020; and third, the passing of the Omnibus Law on Job Creation in October 2020. Yatun Sastramidjaja and Wijayanto, Cyber Troops, Online Manipulation of Public Opinion and Co-optation of Indonesia’s Cybersphere, Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2022.23 Ibid.Ward Berenschot, Yatun Sastramidjaya, Wijayanto, and Ismail Fahmi, “The threat of cyber troops,” Inside Indonesia website, 146 (2021), https://www.insideindonesia.org/editions/edition-146-oct-dec-2021/the-threat-of-cyber-troops.24 Yatun Sastramidjaya and Wijayanto 2020, “JBD Klaim Bayar Pesohor dari Sumbangan Akademikus dan Pengusaha,” Koran Tempo website, August 18, 2020. (https://koran.tempo.co/read/nasional/456902/jbd-klaim-bayar-pesohor-dari-sumbangan-akademikus-dan-pengusaha)25 At the time of writing, May 2023.26 Outside of the ministerial position, we could find roles such as ex-Google Chief Eric Schmidt chairing the National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence between 2018 and 2021 (https://www.nscai.gov/commissioners/). For diplomatic occasions, we would see the names of top tech company CEOs listed in the State dinner guest list. (https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2023/06/22/white-house-releases-state-dinner-guest-list-2/)27 “Biden’s antitrust push moves to courts as Google, Big Tech fight back,” The Washington Post, February 26, 2023 (https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2023/02/26/antitrust-google-doj-tech/)28 Ibid.29 “China regulator fines Alibaba, Tencent for disclosure violations,” Reuters.com July 10, 2022. (https://www.reuters.com/world/china/china-regulator-fines-alibaba-tencent-disclosure-violations-2022-07-10/)30 “Didi says removal of the app in China will affect business,” BBC.com, July 5, 2021. (https://www.bbc.com/news/business-57716131)31 “China’s Government to Take Golden Shares in Alibaba, Tencent,” Bloomberg.com, January 13, 2023. (https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2023-01-13/alibaba-tencent-fall-after-report-beijing-taking-golden-shares)32 Winston Ma, “Breaking the Big Tech Monopoly: The Coming Decade of Big Tech Regulations.” Horizons: Journal of International Relations and Sustainable Development, no. 18, 2021, pp. 166–79.33 Ibid.34 OECD, Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) results from PISA 2018, Indonesia, 2018. (https://www.oecd.org/pisa/publications/PISA2018_CN_IDN.pdf)35 Nadiem’s perspective of the low-performing education system as an advantage for reform was addressed in a podcast with former Minister of Commerce Gita Wirjawan. “Nadiem Makarim: Siap DihujatDemi Bela Generasi Berikutnya(Nadiem Makarim: Ready to take any words of blasphemy for the sake of defending the upcoming generation)” Endgame, January 11, 2023. (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TSER7bEmkXg)36 A sign of this trend could already be seen in the Indonesian President’s visit to the US in 2022. When Joko Widodo visited the US for the US-ASEAN summit meeting, he showcased his meeting with Elon Musk at the SpaceX facility to his fellow Indonesians more than his meeting with US President Joe Biden.37 The traditional concept of national interest in developing human capital, which is centered around the values of national development, national security, and fairness, could be quickly transformed into, for example, applicability, scalability, and swiftness.Additional informationNotes on contributorsAizawa NobuhiroAizawa Nobuhiro is Associate Professor of Graduate School of Social and Cultural Studies, Kyushu University. His research focus is international relations between Northeast and Southeast Asia. His particular interest lies in Southeast Asian politics, especially on Indonesia and Thailand. He currently works on a project analyzing international politics of digital infrastructure and the emerging Southeast Asian elite network on the rise of the Asian digital economy. He has been a Wilson Center Japan Scholar, a Visiting Scholar at Thammasat University, Chulalongkorn University, Cornell University, and Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), (currently the National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN)) of Indonesia. He is a former Research Associate at the Institute of Development Economies-JETRO, National Graduate Institute of Policy Studies.
将年轻人和技术带入印度尼西亚的数字教育政治和地缘政治影响
印尼任命一家本土科技公司的前首席执行官来改革官僚机构,这引发了一个问题:在数字化转型时代,政府如何重塑其在教育政治中的角色。这个问题不仅对理解国内政治很重要,而且对理解人力资本发展的对外关系也很重要。本文分析了印度尼西亚政府在2019年决定将科技和年轻人引入教育和文化部的案例。作者认为,这一决定既是为了国家,也是为了官僚机构的生存,也是为了寻求跨越式的竞争力。这一决定违背了传统的理解,即在国家与社会的关系中,官僚机构的数字化转型是落后的,而企业是领先的。对于印尼来说,由于其加速国家发展和反对数字殖民主义的强烈动机,一个独特的政治经济联盟和伙伴关系被建立起来,以进行戏剧性的官僚改革。这种跨越式改革还意味着,在官僚合作日益必要但官僚改革差异扩大的国际人力资本发展议程中,外交不匹配很可能发生。本工作得到了JSPS KAKENHI基金号JP22H03840和经济、贸易和工业研究所(RIETI)和九州大学承担的“数字威权化和民主化的地缘政治”研究项目的支持。注1 2023年东盟峰会,“增长的中心”,2023年东盟-印尼峰会。(https://asean2023.id/en/page/asean-2023/epicentrum-of-growth)。2随着知识经济的出现,政府主导的信息通信技术改革作为一项关键的国家议程,在联合国(UN)和经济合作与发展组织(OECD)的舞台上被反复吹捧。早期版本是联合国科学和技术促进发展委员会,为第三届会议准备的信息通信技术促进发展工作组报告:1997年5月12日。美国驻东盟代表团,“人力资本开发联合声明”,2020年11月14日。(https://asean.usmission.gov/joint-statement-on-human-capital-development-at-the-8th-asean-u-s-summit/)4他的公司Gojek最初以两轮叫车服务和快递服务起家,现在已经发展成为一个超级应用程序,提供20多种服务,从交通运输、食品配送、杂货、按摩、房屋清洁、物流到一个名为GoPay的无现金数字支付平台。该公司获得了“十角兽”(decacorn)的地位,这是一个金融术语,指的是市值至少达到100亿美元的初创公司在教育和文化部与研究技术部于2021年合并后,教育和文化部被命名为教育,文化,研究和技术部。国务文件和翻译副内阁秘书助理办公室,“总统佐科威任命7名千禧一代为总统特别工作人员”,2019年11月21日。(https://setkab.go.id/en/president-jokowi-names-7-millennials-as-presidential-special-staff/)7“佐科威挑选年轻人作为总统专家,因为他们有‘新鲜、创新的想法’”- National - The Jakarta Post。(https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2019/11/21/jokowi-picks-young-people-to-presidential-expert-staff-for-their-fresh-innovative-ideas.html.)8亚历克斯·汤普森,“拜登的科学办公室到处都是亿万富翁的指纹”,Politico.com, 2022年3月28日。(https://www.politico.com/news/2022/03/28/google-billionaire-joe-biden-science-office-00020712)值得注意的是,埃里克·施密特(Eric Schmidt)的施密特期货公司(Schmidt Futures)发表了一份声明,否认了这篇报道的主旨,称“文章中未经证实的论点是司法部受到了不当影响,而事实并非如此。”这是一个明确的信号,表明这种“影响”被认为在政治上是非法的,这与印尼的情况形成了鲜明对比。施密特期货,“科学资助声明”,2022年3月28日。(https://www.schmidtfutures.com/our-work/statement-on-science-funding/)。施密特的否认被报道于2022年3月29日(https://www.cnbc.com/2022/03/29/ex-google-ceo-eric-schmidt-responds-to-white-house-related-allegations.html).9印度尼西亚有通信和信息部)。10 Nobuhiro Aizawa,“印度尼西亚对国家安全的看法和看法”,安全研究,第03卷第2期2021年6月。同样见于《雅加达邮报》2019年10月23日。(https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2019/10/23/work-fast-work-hard-jokowi-conveys-hopes-for-his-new-cabinet-members.html).11 Andrew Rosser,《超越准入:让印尼教育系统运转起来》,Lowyinstitute.org, 2018年2月21日。(https://www.lowyinstitute。 29路透社网站,2022年7月10日,“中国监管机构对阿里巴巴和腾讯违规披露进行罚款。”(https://www.reuters.com/world/china/china-regulator-fines-alibaba-tencent-disclosure-violations-2022-07-10/)30“滴滴表示,在中国下架这款应用将影响业务,”BBC.com, 2021年7月5日。(https://www.bbc.com/news/business-57716131)31《中国政府将收购阿里巴巴、腾讯的黄金股》,彭博网,2023年1月13日。(https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2023-01-13/alibaba-tencent-fall-after-report-beijing-taking-golden-shares)32马云,《打破科技巨头垄断:科技巨头监管的未来十年》)《国际关系与可持续发展》,第2期。经合组织,2018年国际学生评估项目(PISA)结果,印度尼西亚,2018年。(https://www.oecd.org/pisa/publications/PISA2018_CN_IDN.pdf)35)纳迪姆在与前商务部长吉塔·维贾万的播客中谈到了他对低绩效教育体系作为改革优势的看法。《纳迪姆·马卡里姆:Siap DihujatDemi Bela Generasi Berikutnya》(纳迪姆·马卡里姆:为了保卫下一代,准备好接受任何亵渎的话),《终局之战》,2023年1月11日。(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TSER7bEmkXg)36这一趋势的迹象已经可以在印尼总统2022年访问美国时看到。当佐科·维多多访问美国参加美国-东盟峰会时,他向印尼同胞展示了他在SpaceX工厂与埃隆·马斯克的会面,而不是与美国总统乔·拜登的会面。37 .发展人力资本的传统国家利益观念,以国家发展、国家安全和公平为中心,可以迅速转化为适用性、可扩展性和快速性等价值观。作者简介:aizawa Nobuhiro aizawa Nobuhiro是九州大学社会与文化研究研究生院的副教授。主要研究方向为东北亚与东南亚国际关系。他特别感兴趣的是东南亚政治,尤其是印尼和泰国。他目前的研究项目是分析数字基础设施的国际政治,以及新兴的东南亚精英网络对亚洲数字经济崛起的影响。他曾是威尔逊中心日本学者、法政大学、朱拉隆功大学、康奈尔大学和印度尼西亚科学院(LIPI)(现为印度尼西亚国家研究与创新署)的访问学者。他是jetro发展经济研究所和国家政策研究所的前研究员。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Asia-Pacific Review
Asia-Pacific Review INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS-
CiteScore
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