Summaries of Articles
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{"title":"Summaries of Articles","authors":"","doi":"10.1086/724863","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Previous articleNext article FreeSummaries of ArticlesSummaries of ArticlesPDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditEmailQR Code SectionsMorePrice Isn’t Everything: Behavioral Response Around Changes In Sin TaxesAlex Rees-Jones and Kyle RozemaTaxes change behavior. But how does this change arise? In traditional economic models, change is achieved through the price channel: assuming all else is held constant, taxes increase prices and thus decrease demand. However, the assumption that all else is held constant may be violated in the course of a change in tax law, in part because the process by which laws are changed often involves the provision of information, attempts at persuasion, and the deployment of alternative dissuasive tools. Although one may expect these alternative channels to be important, relatively little empirical work measures the relative importance of them compared to a tax’s direct financial influence.In this article, we study the importance of nonprice factors in a particular policy domain: discouraging smoking with cigarette taxes. Examining state-level cigarette tax changes occurring between 1989 and 2009, we document the time paths of tobacco-industry-related political donations, antismoking appropriations, cigarette-related news headlines, and legislation of place-based smoking restrictions. We find that these nonprice factors are changing during windows when tax changes occur. To explore how this evolution of nonprice factors matters for estimates of behavioral change, we make use of information on the cigarette consumption of new mothers reported in the Vital Statistics Detailed Natality Data. In this population, we conduct common analyses that measure the degree to which cigarette consumption responds to the increase in cigarette taxes in the window around a tax change. We find that controlling for nonprice factors substantially reduces the estimated responsivity of consumption to tax changes. In addition, because these nonprice factors evolve in advance of a tax change, they can generate a decrease in consumption in advance of the actual tax-induced price change. This anticipatory decline in consumption closely resembles that predicted by “rational-addiction” motives, but it is derived from a different underlying behavioral model.Taken together, our results suggest an important role of nonprice factors in understanding the evolution of cigarette consumption that occurs around a tax change. We conclude by discussing the implications of our results for forecasting the expected effects of tax policies and for assessing estimates of sin-tax elasticities.Revealing Values: Applying the Inverse-Optimum Method to Us State TaxesRobert EmbreeSystems of tax rates represent a major mechanism by which societies implement their social preferences about inequality and redistribution. Observing different income tax rates in two jurisdictions may be a consequence of differences in social preferences; however, it may also reflect differences in income distributions or forms of progressivity present in other parts of the tax system. Optimal income tax policy tells us that having higher income inequality suggests higher tax rates on the rich for any given social welfare preferences.The inverse-optimum approach to tax policy reverses the optimal income tax method and uses existing tax rates to infer marginal social welfare weights for each income level. These weights reveal information about underlying philosophical preferences and are obtained from a calculation that considers both tax rates and income inequality. Lockwood and Weinzierl (2016) have used the inverse-optimum to examine US federal income taxes.In this paper, I apply the inverse-optimum method to US state tax data. Using IRS tax data, I calculate the implied weights for single and joint filers in each income group for every US state and make three main contributions to the literature. First, I extend the theory underlying the inverse-optimum method to include the effects of commodity taxation, such as sales and property taxes. Second, I calculate effective marginal income tax and commodity tax rates for each state and income level. I use federal, state, and local income taxes; federal payroll taxes; state and local sales taxes; and state and local property taxes. I consider tax deductions and the tax treatment of different sources of income.Third, I apply my inverse-optimum methodology to both single and joint filers and to all 50 US states and the District of Columbia in the 2016 tax year. I find decreasing weights for both single and joint filers. Notably, the pattern of weights is much flatter than most philosophies of social welfare might assume because weights above $100,000 decline very little. I show how state income tax rates can be explained by differences in both preferences and income inequality. I observe substantial differences in progressivity across states, finding that the ratio of the top-to-median weights varying from a low of 0.48 in New Jersey to a high of 0.72 in Nevada. I also find that every state has a nonmonotonic pattern of weights but that some states have much larger nonmonotonicities.Returns to Scale in Property Assessment: Evidence from New York State’s Small Localities Coordination ProgramYusun Kim, Yilin Hou, and John YingerProperty assessment determines the taxable value of each parcel of real property; it is a key component of property tax administration. The property tax is the main own-source revenue for local governments in the United States, and local jurisdictions responsible for assessment vary widely in parcel size both within and across the 50 states. This variation leads to a question: What jurisdiction size maximizes productive efficiency in assessment? This study provides an up-to-date answer to this question based on a natural experiment in New York State (NYS).This experiment arises because the NYS Coordinated Assessment Program (CAP) incentivizes cities and towns to merge their assessment functions while maintaining separate taxing authority. This study takes advantage of cooperative agreements among small jurisdictions, which lead to changes in parcel counts, to estimate the extent to which the assessing function is characterized by economies of parcel scale. This estimate indicates whether the existing boundaries of assessing units correspond to the boundaries that minimize the cost of assessing properties — and thereby informs future cooperation or consolidation decisions.In this paper, we focus on jurisdiction size measured by the number of parcels as our scale dimension to identify economies of size in property assessment, which are said to exist when the per-parcel assessment cost falls as jurisdiction size increases, holding assessment quality constant. We estimate the magnitude of returns to parcel scale using a panel data set of NYS assessing jurisdictions from 2003 to 2014. We find that combining the assessment function between two identical jurisdictions with 10,000 parcels each reduces assessment cost by 46 percent. We also estimate potential cost savings from centralizing the assessment function to the county level. If 20 median-sized jurisdictions (each with 2,391 parcels) decide to conduct countywide assessment, we estimate the average assessment cost may decline from $16.85 to $1.07 per parcel.Our results indicate how much money could be saved by consolidation of or cooperative agreements between assessing jurisdictions. They also delineate the extent to which households residing in assessing units of varying sizes must pay different amounts for the same quality of assessments. Our estimates apply to NYS, but our methods could be used in other states and are particularly relevant in the 17 states where property tax is administered at the subcounty level.Tax Credit Refundability and Child Care Prices: Evidence from CaliforniaLuke P. RodgersIn a progressive income tax system, low-income households have lower income tax liabilities, which limits the value of nonrefundable tax credits. This pattern leads to a common critique that nonrefundable tax credits provide fewer benefits for households most in need of support. An equally common proposal is to turn nonrefundable tax credits into refundable tax credits. Such a reform would sever the link between a household’s tax liability and their benefit amount, resulting in more resources being transferred to low-income households. Costs often dominate the refundability debate, yet how much low-income households would benefit from refundability depends on the incidence of the credit in question. Suppliers of goods and services consumed by low-income households may raise prices in response to increased tax credit generosity. How much of the benefit accrues to households versus suppliers should be central to the discussion about refundability. Calls for refundability frequently focus on the Child and Dependent Care Credit (CDCC), a federal tax credit available to offset child care expenses incurred by working parents. Many states offer additional child care tax credits with varying degrees of generosity and differences in refundability. California provides a unique opportunity to study how eliminating refundability of child care tax credits affects child care prices while holding other policy dimensions fixed. Using county-level price and tax return data, this study exploits the fact that the statewide policy was more consequential in areas with more lower-income families. The analysis indicates that lower credit amounts are considerably offset by lower child care prices. The estimated price response to refundability is concentrated in younger age groups and in child care centers rather than family care homes. If the price response is symmetrical and quality adjustments are limited, refundability may benefit low-income families less than the cost of the program would suggest. More generally, the decision to reclassify a tax credit as refundable should be informed by incidence considerations and the viability of alternative policy options. Previous articleNext article DetailsFiguresReferencesCited by National Tax Journal Volume 76, Number 1March 2023 Published for: The National Tax Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/724863 © 2023 National Tax Association. 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Abstract
Previous articleNext article FreeSummaries of ArticlesSummaries of ArticlesPDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditEmailQR Code SectionsMorePrice Isn’t Everything: Behavioral Response Around Changes In Sin TaxesAlex Rees-Jones and Kyle RozemaTaxes change behavior. But how does this change arise? In traditional economic models, change is achieved through the price channel: assuming all else is held constant, taxes increase prices and thus decrease demand. However, the assumption that all else is held constant may be violated in the course of a change in tax law, in part because the process by which laws are changed often involves the provision of information, attempts at persuasion, and the deployment of alternative dissuasive tools. Although one may expect these alternative channels to be important, relatively little empirical work measures the relative importance of them compared to a tax’s direct financial influence.In this article, we study the importance of nonprice factors in a particular policy domain: discouraging smoking with cigarette taxes. Examining state-level cigarette tax changes occurring between 1989 and 2009, we document the time paths of tobacco-industry-related political donations, antismoking appropriations, cigarette-related news headlines, and legislation of place-based smoking restrictions. We find that these nonprice factors are changing during windows when tax changes occur. To explore how this evolution of nonprice factors matters for estimates of behavioral change, we make use of information on the cigarette consumption of new mothers reported in the Vital Statistics Detailed Natality Data. In this population, we conduct common analyses that measure the degree to which cigarette consumption responds to the increase in cigarette taxes in the window around a tax change. We find that controlling for nonprice factors substantially reduces the estimated responsivity of consumption to tax changes. In addition, because these nonprice factors evolve in advance of a tax change, they can generate a decrease in consumption in advance of the actual tax-induced price change. This anticipatory decline in consumption closely resembles that predicted by “rational-addiction” motives, but it is derived from a different underlying behavioral model.Taken together, our results suggest an important role of nonprice factors in understanding the evolution of cigarette consumption that occurs around a tax change. We conclude by discussing the implications of our results for forecasting the expected effects of tax policies and for assessing estimates of sin-tax elasticities.Revealing Values: Applying the Inverse-Optimum Method to Us State TaxesRobert EmbreeSystems of tax rates represent a major mechanism by which societies implement their social preferences about inequality and redistribution. Observing different income tax rates in two jurisdictions may be a consequence of differences in social preferences; however, it may also reflect differences in income distributions or forms of progressivity present in other parts of the tax system. Optimal income tax policy tells us that having higher income inequality suggests higher tax rates on the rich for any given social welfare preferences.The inverse-optimum approach to tax policy reverses the optimal income tax method and uses existing tax rates to infer marginal social welfare weights for each income level. These weights reveal information about underlying philosophical preferences and are obtained from a calculation that considers both tax rates and income inequality. Lockwood and Weinzierl (2016) have used the inverse-optimum to examine US federal income taxes.In this paper, I apply the inverse-optimum method to US state tax data. Using IRS tax data, I calculate the implied weights for single and joint filers in each income group for every US state and make three main contributions to the literature. First, I extend the theory underlying the inverse-optimum method to include the effects of commodity taxation, such as sales and property taxes. Second, I calculate effective marginal income tax and commodity tax rates for each state and income level. I use federal, state, and local income taxes; federal payroll taxes; state and local sales taxes; and state and local property taxes. I consider tax deductions and the tax treatment of different sources of income.Third, I apply my inverse-optimum methodology to both single and joint filers and to all 50 US states and the District of Columbia in the 2016 tax year. I find decreasing weights for both single and joint filers. Notably, the pattern of weights is much flatter than most philosophies of social welfare might assume because weights above $100,000 decline very little. I show how state income tax rates can be explained by differences in both preferences and income inequality. I observe substantial differences in progressivity across states, finding that the ratio of the top-to-median weights varying from a low of 0.48 in New Jersey to a high of 0.72 in Nevada. I also find that every state has a nonmonotonic pattern of weights but that some states have much larger nonmonotonicities.Returns to Scale in Property Assessment: Evidence from New York State’s Small Localities Coordination ProgramYusun Kim, Yilin Hou, and John YingerProperty assessment determines the taxable value of each parcel of real property; it is a key component of property tax administration. The property tax is the main own-source revenue for local governments in the United States, and local jurisdictions responsible for assessment vary widely in parcel size both within and across the 50 states. This variation leads to a question: What jurisdiction size maximizes productive efficiency in assessment? This study provides an up-to-date answer to this question based on a natural experiment in New York State (NYS).This experiment arises because the NYS Coordinated Assessment Program (CAP) incentivizes cities and towns to merge their assessment functions while maintaining separate taxing authority. This study takes advantage of cooperative agreements among small jurisdictions, which lead to changes in parcel counts, to estimate the extent to which the assessing function is characterized by economies of parcel scale. This estimate indicates whether the existing boundaries of assessing units correspond to the boundaries that minimize the cost of assessing properties — and thereby informs future cooperation or consolidation decisions.In this paper, we focus on jurisdiction size measured by the number of parcels as our scale dimension to identify economies of size in property assessment, which are said to exist when the per-parcel assessment cost falls as jurisdiction size increases, holding assessment quality constant. We estimate the magnitude of returns to parcel scale using a panel data set of NYS assessing jurisdictions from 2003 to 2014. We find that combining the assessment function between two identical jurisdictions with 10,000 parcels each reduces assessment cost by 46 percent. We also estimate potential cost savings from centralizing the assessment function to the county level. If 20 median-sized jurisdictions (each with 2,391 parcels) decide to conduct countywide assessment, we estimate the average assessment cost may decline from $16.85 to $1.07 per parcel.Our results indicate how much money could be saved by consolidation of or cooperative agreements between assessing jurisdictions. They also delineate the extent to which households residing in assessing units of varying sizes must pay different amounts for the same quality of assessments. Our estimates apply to NYS, but our methods could be used in other states and are particularly relevant in the 17 states where property tax is administered at the subcounty level.Tax Credit Refundability and Child Care Prices: Evidence from CaliforniaLuke P. RodgersIn a progressive income tax system, low-income households have lower income tax liabilities, which limits the value of nonrefundable tax credits. This pattern leads to a common critique that nonrefundable tax credits provide fewer benefits for households most in need of support. An equally common proposal is to turn nonrefundable tax credits into refundable tax credits. Such a reform would sever the link between a household’s tax liability and their benefit amount, resulting in more resources being transferred to low-income households. Costs often dominate the refundability debate, yet how much low-income households would benefit from refundability depends on the incidence of the credit in question. Suppliers of goods and services consumed by low-income households may raise prices in response to increased tax credit generosity. How much of the benefit accrues to households versus suppliers should be central to the discussion about refundability. Calls for refundability frequently focus on the Child and Dependent Care Credit (CDCC), a federal tax credit available to offset child care expenses incurred by working parents. Many states offer additional child care tax credits with varying degrees of generosity and differences in refundability. California provides a unique opportunity to study how eliminating refundability of child care tax credits affects child care prices while holding other policy dimensions fixed. Using county-level price and tax return data, this study exploits the fact that the statewide policy was more consequential in areas with more lower-income families. The analysis indicates that lower credit amounts are considerably offset by lower child care prices. The estimated price response to refundability is concentrated in younger age groups and in child care centers rather than family care homes. If the price response is symmetrical and quality adjustments are limited, refundability may benefit low-income families less than the cost of the program would suggest. More generally, the decision to reclassify a tax credit as refundable should be informed by incidence considerations and the viability of alternative policy options. Previous articleNext article DetailsFiguresReferencesCited by National Tax Journal Volume 76, Number 1March 2023 Published for: The National Tax Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/724863 © 2023 National Tax Association. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.
文章摘要
我观察到各州的累进性存在巨大差异,发现最高与中位数的权重之比从新泽西州的0.48到内华达州的0.72不等。我还发现,每个状态都有非单调的权重模式,但有些状态的非单调性要大得多。财产评估中的规模回报:来自纽约州小地方协调项目的证据。财产评估决定了每一块不动产的应税价值;它是财产税管理的重要组成部分。财产税是美国地方政府的主要收入来源,负责征收财产税的地方司法管辖区在50个州内和州内的规模差别很大。这种差异导致了一个问题:在评估中,什么样的管辖范围最大限度地提高了生产效率?这项研究基于在纽约州进行的一项自然实验,为这个问题提供了一个最新的答案。这一实验之所以产生,是因为纽约州的协调评估计划(CAP)鼓励城镇合并其评估职能,同时保持独立的税务机关。本研究利用小司法管辖区之间的合作协议导致包裹数量的变化,来估计评估功能以包裹规模经济为特征的程度。这一估计表明评估单位的现有边界是否符合评估财产成本最小化的边界,从而为未来的合作或合并决策提供信息。在本文中,我们关注以地块数量衡量的辖区规模作为我们的规模维度,以识别财产评估中的规模经济,当每个地块的评估成本随着辖区规模的增加而下降,从而保持评估质量不变时,就会存在规模经济。我们使用2003年至2014年纽约评估司法管辖区的面板数据集估计包裹规模的回报幅度。我们发现,将两个相同的司法管辖区之间的评估函数与每个10,000个包裹相结合,可以减少46%的评估成本。我们还估计了将评估职能集中到县一级可能节省的成本。如果20个中等规模的司法管辖区(每个有2,391个包裹)决定进行全国范围的评估,我们估计平均评估成本可能从每个包裹16.85美元下降到1.07美元。我们的研究结果表明,通过评估辖区之间的合并或合作协议,可以节省多少资金。它们还规定了居住在不同规模的评估单位的家庭必须为相同质量的评估支付不同金额的程度。我们的估计适用于纽约州,但我们的方法也适用于其他州,尤其适用于在县以下一级管理财产税的17个州。在累进所得税制度下,低收入家庭的所得税负担较低,这限制了不可退还的税收抵免的价值。这种模式导致了一种普遍的批评,即不可退还的税收抵免为最需要支持的家庭提供的好处更少。一个同样普遍的建议是把不可退还的税收抵免变成可退还的税收抵免。这种改革将切断一个家庭的纳税义务与其福利数额之间的联系,从而使更多的资源转移到低收入家庭。成本往往主导着可退还性的辩论,然而低收入家庭将从可退还性中受益多少取决于所讨论的信贷的发生率。低收入家庭消费的商品和服务的供应商可能会提高价格,以回应税收抵免的增加。对于可退款性的讨论,家庭和供应商究竟能获得多少好处应该是一个核心问题。要求退款的呼声经常集中在儿童和受抚养人照顾抵免(CDCC)上,这是一项联邦税收抵免,可用于抵消在职父母的儿童照顾费用。许多州以不同程度的慷慨和可退还性提供额外的儿童保育税收抵免。加州提供了一个独特的机会来研究取消儿童保育税收抵免的可退还性如何影响儿童保育价格,同时保持其他政策维度不变。利用县级价格和纳税申报数据,本研究揭示了这样一个事实,即在低收入家庭较多的地区,全州范围内的政策更为重要。分析表明,较低的信贷额度被较低的儿童保育价格大大抵消。估计价格对可退款性的反应集中在较年轻的年龄组和儿童护理中心,而不是家庭护理中心。
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