Race in International Relations

R. J. Vincent
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引用次数: 5

Abstract

KE sex in Victorian England, it has been said, race is a taboo subject in contemporary polite society. Conflicts or attitudes that to the simpleminded might appear to be self-evidently racial are explained away as class-based, or as difficulties attending immigration, or as responses to special local circumstances. Certainly, race relations are not an area in which political reputations are easily made, and outspokenness on the subject seems to be the preserve of those who have little to lose, their having either departed the scene or not yet arrived at it. Yet beneath this wish to talk about something else, and perhaps in part explaining it, lurk the largest of claims for the factor of race in politics, and the direst of forebodings about the future of race relations. As early as 1903 W. E. B. Du Bois was already expressing the problem of the twentieth century as the problem of 'the colour-line', and this has been a theme of pan-African congresses to the present day. A recent British prime minister, not noted for his proneness to exaggerate, is reported as having said 'I believe the greatest danger ahead of us is that the world might be divided on racial lines. I see no danger, not even the nuclear bomb, which could be so catastrophic as that." These instincts of politicians are fortified by academic analysis. John Rex, one of the most prominent writers in Britain on race relations, has gone so far as to predict that 'for the next few centuries the problems which will preoccupy men politically more than any other will be problems which they subjectively define as problems of race'.2 Hugh Tinker, in one of the very few works on race in international politics, concludes that 'Today, transcending everything (including even the nuclear threat) there is the confrontation between the races .3 No doubt the rioting that took place in Britain in the summer of 1981 is taken by writers of this persuasion to be bitter evidence in support of their view of the place of race in society. This paper is confined to an assessment of the place of race in international relations, in so far as it is possible to distinguish, in this regard, domestic from international politics. In any event, it may be argued that it is to the history of international relations, during the imperial
国际关系中的种族问题
在维多利亚时代的英国,有人说种族是当代上流社会的禁忌话题。在头脑简单的人看来可能是不言而喻的种族冲突或态度,却被解释为阶级基础,或移民困难,或对当地特殊情况的反应。当然,种族关系不是一个容易赢得政治声誉的领域,在这个问题上直言不讳似乎是那些没有什么可失去的人的专利,他们要么已经离开了舞台,要么还没有到达舞台。然而,在这种想要谈论其他事情(或许是部分解释它)的愿望之下,潜藏着对政治中种族因素的最大主张,以及对种族关系未来的最可怕的预感。早在1903年,W。e·b·杜波依斯已经将20世纪的问题表述为“肤色界限”问题,这一直是泛非大会的主题,直到今天。据报道,最近一位不以夸大其词著称的英国首相曾说过:“我认为我们面临的最大危险是,世界可能会因种族而分裂。”我看不出有什么危险,甚至连可能造成如此大灾难的核弹也看不到。”学术分析强化了政治家的这些本能。约翰·雷克斯是英国研究种族关系的最杰出的作家之一,他甚至预言:“在今后的几个世纪里,人们在政治上最关心的问题将是那些他们主观地定义为种族问题的问题。休·廷克(Hugh Tinker)在为数不多的关于国际政治中种族问题的著作中总结道:“今天,种族之间的对抗超越了一切(甚至包括核威胁)。毫无疑问,1981年夏天发生在英国的骚乱被持这种观点的作家视为支持他们关于种族在社会中地位的观点的痛苦证据。”本文仅限于对种族在国际关系中的地位进行评估,因为在这方面有可能区分国内政治和国际政治。无论如何,可以说它是国际关系史上的帝国时期
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