Roundtable on Populism and Perpetrator Studies: Introduction

Emiliano Perra
{"title":"Roundtable on Populism and Perpetrator Studies: Introduction","authors":"Emiliano Perra","doi":"10.21039/109","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The last decade of the twentieth century was bookmarked by two works that captured important parts of its Zeitgeist. In 1989, Francis Fukuyama celebrated the ‘unabashed victory of economic and political liberalism’, leading to nothing less than the ‘universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government’, or in short: ‘the end of history as such’.1 The opposite bookend was Michael Hardt’s and Antonio Negri’s analysis of globalisation and its discontents in Empire, in which the very same multitude that sustain the oppressive forces of globalisation are also capable of subverting it, creating new democratic forms ‘that will one day take us through and beyond Empire.’2 Notwithstanding their wildly different political and philosophical outlooks, what these analyses had in common was a sense of optimism, cultivated in the Global North emerged victorious from the Cold War, that things were going to get better, that the worse was over. Globalised capitalism and dominant political liberalism in the North, exemplified in the Anglosphere by Clintonomics and New Labour’s Third Way, held sway during a decade marked by the ostensibly limitless possibilities for economic and democratic development offered by the rise of the Internet. In this context, even remembering past genocides acquired an optimistic flavour, with the consolidation of the Holocaust at the centre of memory culture in the Global North becoming a sign of cosmopolitan memory, stretching across national borders and uniting Europe and other parts of the world.3 Seen from the vantage point of the present, it is fair to say that those predictions have not aged particularly well, and that we are in a very different phase marked by the decline of the Anglo-American liberal order, the return of ethnonationalism, and the substantial weakening of democracy around the world. The rise of populist leaders promoting authoritarian agendas and their corrosive impact on the rule of law, the","PeriodicalId":152877,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Perpetrator Research","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2021-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Perpetrator Research","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.21039/109","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

The last decade of the twentieth century was bookmarked by two works that captured important parts of its Zeitgeist. In 1989, Francis Fukuyama celebrated the ‘unabashed victory of economic and political liberalism’, leading to nothing less than the ‘universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government’, or in short: ‘the end of history as such’.1 The opposite bookend was Michael Hardt’s and Antonio Negri’s analysis of globalisation and its discontents in Empire, in which the very same multitude that sustain the oppressive forces of globalisation are also capable of subverting it, creating new democratic forms ‘that will one day take us through and beyond Empire.’2 Notwithstanding their wildly different political and philosophical outlooks, what these analyses had in common was a sense of optimism, cultivated in the Global North emerged victorious from the Cold War, that things were going to get better, that the worse was over. Globalised capitalism and dominant political liberalism in the North, exemplified in the Anglosphere by Clintonomics and New Labour’s Third Way, held sway during a decade marked by the ostensibly limitless possibilities for economic and democratic development offered by the rise of the Internet. In this context, even remembering past genocides acquired an optimistic flavour, with the consolidation of the Holocaust at the centre of memory culture in the Global North becoming a sign of cosmopolitan memory, stretching across national borders and uniting Europe and other parts of the world.3 Seen from the vantage point of the present, it is fair to say that those predictions have not aged particularly well, and that we are in a very different phase marked by the decline of the Anglo-American liberal order, the return of ethnonationalism, and the substantial weakening of democracy around the world. The rise of populist leaders promoting authoritarian agendas and their corrosive impact on the rule of law, the
民粹主义与行为人研究圆桌会议:导论
二十世纪最后十年有两部作品成为书签,它们抓住了时代精神的重要部分。1989年,弗朗西斯·福山(Francis Fukuyama)庆祝了“经济和政治自由主义的毫不掩饰的胜利”,导致了“西方自由民主作为人类政府的最终形式的普遍化”,或者简而言之:“历史的终结”相反,迈克尔·哈特(Michael Hardt)和安东尼奥·内格里(Antonio Negri)在《帝国》一书中对全球化及其不满的分析认为,维持全球化压迫力量的同一群人也有能力颠覆全球化,创造新的民主形式,“有朝一日将带领我们穿越并超越帝国”。尽管他们的政治和哲学观点截然不同,但这些分析的共同点是一种乐观情绪,这种乐观情绪是在冷战胜利的全球北方培养起来的,即情况会好转,最糟糕的时期已经过去了。全球化的资本主义和北方占主导地位的政治自由主义,以克林顿经济学和新工党的第三条道路为代表,在互联网的兴起为经济和民主发展提供了看似无限的可能性的十年中占据主导地位。在这种背景下,即使是对过去种族灭绝的缅怀也带有一种乐观的色彩,将大屠杀巩固为全球北方记忆文化的中心,成为跨越国界、将欧洲和世界其他地区团结起来的世界性记忆的标志从目前的有利位置来看,公平地说,这些预测并没有特别成熟,我们正处于一个非常不同的阶段,其标志是英美自由秩序的衰落,民族主义的回归,以及世界各地民主的实质性削弱。推动威权主义议程的民粹主义领导人的崛起及其对法治的腐蚀性影响,是一个令人担忧的问题
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
求助全文
约1分钟内获得全文 求助全文
来源期刊
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术官方微信