Kolos rodyjski: gdzie stał i jak był wykonany

Tomasz Wujewski
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The text by Philo of Byzantium is not credible, as it was written quite late. Then the problem has been analyzed critically. As regards the legend of Colossus bestriding the entrance to the harbor, one may add to the already listed counterarguments that for static reasons a piece of sculpture shaped that way would have needed a third footing attached to the sea bottom at the harbor entrance, which would have made the ships’ access to the harbor difficult. Besides, such a pose of a god would have seemed a little indecent. A hypothesis that situates the Colossus at the end of a pier in the Mandraki Bay, preferred by many scholars, also has its weak points. Placed there, the construction site would have been too small, particularly that construction took at least twelve years, and it would have been difficult to move building materials along the narrow and long pier which under such circumstances could not be used as part of the harbor. According to Strabo (XIV, 2, 5) the harbor was accessible only to authorized personnel. Was it then a good location for a work of art intended to glorify the people of Rhodes? Even if the Colossus had been accessible there, it would have been visible only in a shortened perspective, in frog’s eye view. Still, the most important was the problem of proper display of the statue. Placed on the pier, it would have to turn its back either to the town, or to the sea, and in both cases connotations would have been unwelcome. Such details were essential for ancient Greeks. For static and constructional reasons, one must also reject a hypothesis that the Colossus put his palm over the eyes, as if examining the horizon. If it is true that the relics of the statue remained for several hundred years intact, they would have blocked access to the harbor since most probably they would have fallen into the sea. Besides, would the iron elements have resisted corrosion well enough to be recognizable? Placed on the pier, the Colossus would have been invisible to the crews of ships approaching the town from the west and the same would have been true had it been situated at the present location of the palace of the Great Masters of the Knights Hospitaller. The placement of the statue in the sanctuary of Helios at the present corner of Sofouli and Khimaras streets is also improbable, since the area is really small and the Colossus would not have made a prominent component of the town skyline. Hence, the acropolis must have been the most convenient place, just as in other Greek towns, particularly in Athens where it was the site of the city patron’s worship. Some scholars argue that the temple in the acropolis was dedicated to Apollo, but when the Colossus was constructed Apollo was commonly identified with Helios who was the most important patron of the island. The statue, with his face turned to the east – the town and the sea – might have stood near that temple (ill. 1-2), towering over it. From the west, the steep rock of the acropolis practically made it impossible to watch the Colossus from the western shore, while from the sea it was visible only as a silhouette, an orientation point for the approaching ships (ill. 3), particularly if it was gilded like the statue of Athena Promachos in Athens. This can actually be the origin of the legend that the Colossus of Rhodes was also a lighthouse. Situated in the acropolis, the statue would have been visible both from the town and the sea on both sides of the island. If the damaged Colossus remained intact for centuries, it was because removing it from the acropolis was much more difficult than removing from the wharf. The noun “colossus” originally meant “something towering” (cf. Colossae and Colophon, towns upon hills). The other part of the paper focuses on the technology of construction. Some scholars were too eager to draw from Philo’s description conclusions about the Colossus’ structure and the building methods applied. If the statue had stood at the end of the pier, most likely it would not have been hilled up since the area was too small. Due to the pressure of dirt, boarding such an embankment (A. Gabriel’s claim) would have required 40-45 meter long struts for which there was no room. Moreover, with each subsequent raising of the embankment the struts would have to be multiplied and made much longer, which would have been both costly and technologically challenging. With each new layer of dirt, founding furnaces would have to be removed (as, according to Gabriel, they were located on the embankment) and then put back. A high embankment would have required the use of gigantic ladders, unstable and dangerous. What is more, it would have made it impossible to control the form of the work in progress. All that would have been irrational, while ancient Greeks do not really deserve such a charge. In the author’s opinion, the Colossus was erected within a wooden scaffolding. Founding particular elements of the statue on site was rather unlikely. An external dirt coat would not have helped since there was no clay core inside it, which would have made the alloy’s cooling speed radically unequal. Partial casting is also unlikely as it would have required a 1:1 model (30-35 meters high). Had the model been smaller, errors in calculating detailed measurements would have been inevitable. The author believes that the Colossus of Rhodes was made of hammered bronze sheets riveted to the inner metal skeleton. Such a technique made vertical transportation easier and allowed the constructors to correct the process of montage by bending the sheets whenever necessary. It cannot be excluded that the heads of the rivets and lines of contact between the sheets were masked with solders that did not require much alloy, although in higher sections of the statue the wind would have cooled it quite rapidly. The noun “colossus” did not originally imply a gigantic size but only a slightly archaic look of the sculpture so that the Colossus of Rhodes might have been somewhat similar to very ancient and artistically primitive stiff statues of Helios. On the other hand, it might have alluded to the mythic Telchins who were the first to make statues of gods. (For static reasons, contrapposto was out of the question in the statues of that size, besides it would have been impossible to fill its interior with stones.) Another aspect of making the Colossus look archaic was the use of a modified technique of sphyrelaton. In the author’s opinion, the base of the statue and maybe its higher parts as well, up to the level of ankles, contained carefully sized and braced blocks of stone. They were drilled through to hold the lower ends of the metal internal skeleton made according to the schema of a spatial grid, perhaps used on that occasion for the first time in history. Such a fixture protected the Colossus from the wind pressure so effectively that it remained standing for dozens of years, being vulnerable to earthquakes. The fallen Colossus must have looked like a debris of rods and tin, while the stones from the fixture could be seen in the “abyss” (Plinius), below the level of the ankles, where the structure was actually bent (it must have been bent there rather than at the level of the knees, since looking inside the ruin was easy: the ankles were situated about two meters above the base.) The third footing point might have been camouflaged with some attribute (a spear or a torch). It cannot be excluded that originally Chares had been planning a statue half the final size, similar to the previously known colossal pieces of sculpture, but the pride of the people of Rhodes, emulating Athenians, made them want a Colossus twice as big (Sextus Empiricus, pros mathem., VII, 107 n.). Making the statue look archaic and using an old technology plus some innovations allowed Chares to make their extravagant wish come true. The archaic look might have been achieved thanks to a reference to some old statue of Helios, which perhaps could be found in the neighboring temple. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

Colossus of Rhodes: Where It Stood and How It Was Made The author, just as Ursula Vedder, who has expressed the same opinion recently, has been long sure that the place where the Colossus of Rhodes was located was the acropolis of the town of Rhodes. The paper includes also some arguments that have not been presented by the German scholar. At first, some source information concerning the Colossus has been briefly summarized. For instance, the expression in APV, 171 (Overbeck 1543), ou gar hyper pelagos monon anthesan alla kai en ga, may be understood as confirming its location in the acropolis: “it stood not only close to the sea, but also on the earth.” In fact, there it would have loomed over the land and the sea, and, as big as it was, it could be seen from a distance. The text by Philo of Byzantium is not credible, as it was written quite late. Then the problem has been analyzed critically. As regards the legend of Colossus bestriding the entrance to the harbor, one may add to the already listed counterarguments that for static reasons a piece of sculpture shaped that way would have needed a third footing attached to the sea bottom at the harbor entrance, which would have made the ships’ access to the harbor difficult. Besides, such a pose of a god would have seemed a little indecent. A hypothesis that situates the Colossus at the end of a pier in the Mandraki Bay, preferred by many scholars, also has its weak points. Placed there, the construction site would have been too small, particularly that construction took at least twelve years, and it would have been difficult to move building materials along the narrow and long pier which under such circumstances could not be used as part of the harbor. According to Strabo (XIV, 2, 5) the harbor was accessible only to authorized personnel. Was it then a good location for a work of art intended to glorify the people of Rhodes? Even if the Colossus had been accessible there, it would have been visible only in a shortened perspective, in frog’s eye view. Still, the most important was the problem of proper display of the statue. Placed on the pier, it would have to turn its back either to the town, or to the sea, and in both cases connotations would have been unwelcome. Such details were essential for ancient Greeks. For static and constructional reasons, one must also reject a hypothesis that the Colossus put his palm over the eyes, as if examining the horizon. If it is true that the relics of the statue remained for several hundred years intact, they would have blocked access to the harbor since most probably they would have fallen into the sea. Besides, would the iron elements have resisted corrosion well enough to be recognizable? Placed on the pier, the Colossus would have been invisible to the crews of ships approaching the town from the west and the same would have been true had it been situated at the present location of the palace of the Great Masters of the Knights Hospitaller. The placement of the statue in the sanctuary of Helios at the present corner of Sofouli and Khimaras streets is also improbable, since the area is really small and the Colossus would not have made a prominent component of the town skyline. Hence, the acropolis must have been the most convenient place, just as in other Greek towns, particularly in Athens where it was the site of the city patron’s worship. Some scholars argue that the temple in the acropolis was dedicated to Apollo, but when the Colossus was constructed Apollo was commonly identified with Helios who was the most important patron of the island. The statue, with his face turned to the east – the town and the sea – might have stood near that temple (ill. 1-2), towering over it. From the west, the steep rock of the acropolis practically made it impossible to watch the Colossus from the western shore, while from the sea it was visible only as a silhouette, an orientation point for the approaching ships (ill. 3), particularly if it was gilded like the statue of Athena Promachos in Athens. This can actually be the origin of the legend that the Colossus of Rhodes was also a lighthouse. Situated in the acropolis, the statue would have been visible both from the town and the sea on both sides of the island. If the damaged Colossus remained intact for centuries, it was because removing it from the acropolis was much more difficult than removing from the wharf. The noun “colossus” originally meant “something towering” (cf. Colossae and Colophon, towns upon hills). The other part of the paper focuses on the technology of construction. Some scholars were too eager to draw from Philo’s description conclusions about the Colossus’ structure and the building methods applied. If the statue had stood at the end of the pier, most likely it would not have been hilled up since the area was too small. Due to the pressure of dirt, boarding such an embankment (A. Gabriel’s claim) would have required 40-45 meter long struts for which there was no room. Moreover, with each subsequent raising of the embankment the struts would have to be multiplied and made much longer, which would have been both costly and technologically challenging. With each new layer of dirt, founding furnaces would have to be removed (as, according to Gabriel, they were located on the embankment) and then put back. A high embankment would have required the use of gigantic ladders, unstable and dangerous. What is more, it would have made it impossible to control the form of the work in progress. All that would have been irrational, while ancient Greeks do not really deserve such a charge. In the author’s opinion, the Colossus was erected within a wooden scaffolding. Founding particular elements of the statue on site was rather unlikely. An external dirt coat would not have helped since there was no clay core inside it, which would have made the alloy’s cooling speed radically unequal. Partial casting is also unlikely as it would have required a 1:1 model (30-35 meters high). Had the model been smaller, errors in calculating detailed measurements would have been inevitable. The author believes that the Colossus of Rhodes was made of hammered bronze sheets riveted to the inner metal skeleton. Such a technique made vertical transportation easier and allowed the constructors to correct the process of montage by bending the sheets whenever necessary. It cannot be excluded that the heads of the rivets and lines of contact between the sheets were masked with solders that did not require much alloy, although in higher sections of the statue the wind would have cooled it quite rapidly. The noun “colossus” did not originally imply a gigantic size but only a slightly archaic look of the sculpture so that the Colossus of Rhodes might have been somewhat similar to very ancient and artistically primitive stiff statues of Helios. On the other hand, it might have alluded to the mythic Telchins who were the first to make statues of gods. (For static reasons, contrapposto was out of the question in the statues of that size, besides it would have been impossible to fill its interior with stones.) Another aspect of making the Colossus look archaic was the use of a modified technique of sphyrelaton. In the author’s opinion, the base of the statue and maybe its higher parts as well, up to the level of ankles, contained carefully sized and braced blocks of stone. They were drilled through to hold the lower ends of the metal internal skeleton made according to the schema of a spatial grid, perhaps used on that occasion for the first time in history. Such a fixture protected the Colossus from the wind pressure so effectively that it remained standing for dozens of years, being vulnerable to earthquakes. The fallen Colossus must have looked like a debris of rods and tin, while the stones from the fixture could be seen in the “abyss” (Plinius), below the level of the ankles, where the structure was actually bent (it must have been bent there rather than at the level of the knees, since looking inside the ruin was easy: the ankles were situated about two meters above the base.) The third footing point might have been camouflaged with some attribute (a spear or a torch). It cannot be excluded that originally Chares had been planning a statue half the final size, similar to the previously known colossal pieces of sculpture, but the pride of the people of Rhodes, emulating Athenians, made them want a Colossus twice as big (Sextus Empiricus, pros mathem., VII, 107 n.). Making the statue look archaic and using an old technology plus some innovations allowed Chares to make their extravagant wish come true. The archaic look might have been achieved thanks to a reference to some old statue of Helios, which perhaps could be found in the neighboring temple. The torso might have been topped with the head, cast separately, although the trouble with placing it so high makes one doubt it. 
罗得岛巨像:它矗立的位置和制作方法
《罗得岛巨像的位置和制作过程》作者和最近发表相同观点的乌苏拉·维德一样,一直认为罗得岛巨像所在的地方就是罗得岛的卫城。本文还包括了一些德国学者没有提出的观点。首先,简要总结了一些关于巨像的资料。例如,APV, 171 (Overbeck 1543)中的表达,ou gar hyper pelagos monon anthesan alla kai en ga,可以理解为确认其在卫城中的位置:“它不仅靠近大海,而且也在地球上。”事实上,在那里,它会隐现在陆地和海洋之上,而且,它那么大,从远处就能看到。拜占廷的菲罗的文本是不可信的,因为它写得很晚。然后对问题进行了批判性的分析。关于巨像横跨港口入口的传说,我们可以在前面列出的反驳意见中补充一点,即由于静态原因,那样形状的雕塑需要在港口入口的海底附加第三个立足点,这将使船只难以进入港口。此外,这样一个神的姿势似乎有点不雅。许多学者认为,巨像位于曼德拉基湾码头的尽头,这一假说也有其不足之处。在那里,建筑工地太小了,特别是建造至少需要12年的时间,而且很难沿着又窄又长的码头移动建筑材料,在这种情况下,码头不能作为港口的一部分。根据斯特拉博(十四,二,五),港口是只有授权人员访问。那么,在这里放置一件美化罗德岛人民的艺术品合适吗?即使巨像在那里可以接近,它也只能在一个缩短的视角下看到,在青蛙的视角下。然而,最重要的问题是如何恰当地展示雕像。把它放在码头上,它要么背对着城镇,要么背对着大海,而在这两种情况下,它的寓意都是不受欢迎的。这些细节对古希腊人来说是必不可少的。出于静态和构造的原因,我们也必须拒绝巨人把手掌放在眼睛上,好像在检查地平线的假设。如果这尊雕像的遗物完好无损地保存了几百年,那么它们很可能已经落入大海,因此会堵塞通往港口的通道。此外,铁元素是否能很好地抵抗腐蚀,从而被识别出来?如果把巨像放在码头上,从西面驶近城镇的船只就看不见它,如果它位于医院骑士团大师宫殿的现址,情况也会如此。将雕像放置在Sofouli街和Khimaras街交界处的赫利俄斯神庙也是不太可能的,因为这个地区真的很小,而且巨像也不会成为城市天际线的重要组成部分。因此,雅典卫城一定是最方便的地方,就像在其他希腊城镇一样,特别是在雅典,它是城市守护神崇拜的场所。一些学者认为,卫城中的神庙是献给阿波罗的,但当巨人像建成时,阿波罗通常被认为是太阳神,太阳神是岛上最重要的守护神。这座雕像面朝东方——城镇和大海——可能就站在那座神庙附近。1-2),高高在上。从西边看,雅典卫城陡峭的岩石几乎不可能从西海岸看到巨像,而从海上看,它只是一个剪影,是接近船只的方向点。3),特别是如果它像雅典的雅典娜·普拉玛科斯雕像那样镀金。这实际上可能是罗德岛巨像也是一座灯塔的传说的起源。这座雕像位于雅典卫城,从城镇和岛屿两侧的海上都可以看到。如果说受损的巨像几个世纪都完好无损,那是因为把它从卫城移走要比从码头移走困难得多。名词“巨像”最初的意思是“高耸的东西”(参见Colossae和Colophon,山上的城镇)。论文的另一部分着重于施工技术。一些学者急于从菲洛的描述中得出关于巨像的结构和建造方法的结论。如果雕像站在码头的尽头,很可能不会被堆起来,因为面积太小了。由于泥土的压力,登上这样的路堤(A。 加布里埃尔的说法)将需要40-45米长的支柱,而没有空间。此外,随着堤坝的每一次抬升,支柱都必须成倍增加,并且做得更长,这既昂贵又具有技术挑战性。随着每一层新土的出现,熔炉就必须被移走(根据加布里埃尔的说法,它们位于堤岸上),然后再放回去。高的路堤需要使用巨大的梯子,既不稳定又危险。更重要的是,这样就不可能控制正在进行的工作的形式。所有这些都是非理性的,而古希腊人确实不应该受到这样的指责。在作者看来,巨像是建在木脚手架上的。在现场建立雕像的特定元素是不太可能的。由于合金内部没有粘土芯,外部的污垢涂层也不会起作用,这将使合金的冷却速度完全不均匀。部分铸造也不太可能,因为它需要1:1的模型(30-35米高)。如果这个模型再小一些,在计算细节测量时就不可避免地会出现错误。作者认为,罗得岛的巨像是由锤打的铜板铆接在内部金属骨架上制成的。这种技术使垂直运输更容易,并允许施工人员在必要时通过弯曲板材来纠正蒙太奇过程。不能排除的是,铆钉的头部和板材之间的连接处都用不需要太多合金的焊料遮盖住了,尽管在雕像的较高部分,风会很快冷却它。“巨像”这个名词最初并不意味着巨大的尺寸,而只是意味着雕塑的有点古老的外观,所以罗德岛的巨像可能有点类似于非常古老和艺术上原始的赫利俄斯雕像。另一方面,它可能暗指神话中的特尔钦人,他们是第一个制作神像的人。(由于静态的原因,这种大小的雕像是不可能形成对位的,而且内部也不可能填满石头。)使巨像看起来古老的另一个方面是使用了一种改良的球形关系技术。在作者看来,雕像的底部,也许还有它的较高部分,直到脚踝的高度,都包含了精心设计和支撑的石块。它们被钻穿,用来固定金属内部骨架的下端,根据空间网格的图式制作,这可能是历史上第一次使用。这样的固定装置有效地保护了巨像免受风压的影响,它在地震面前仍然屹立了几十年。倒下的巨像看起来一定像一堆铁棒和锡的碎片,而固定装置上的石头可以在“深渊”(Plinius)中看到,在脚踝以下的地方,结构实际上是弯曲的(它一定是在那里弯曲的,而不是在膝盖的水平,因为向废墟内部看很容易:脚踝位于基座上方约两米的地方。)第三个立足点可能被一些属性(矛或火炬)伪装了起来。可以排除的是,最初查理计划建造一座最终尺寸的一半的雕像,类似于之前已知的巨型雕塑,但罗德岛人民的骄傲,模仿雅典人,使他们想要一个两倍大的巨像(Sextus Empiricus, pros mathem)。, VII, 107 n.)。使雕像看起来很古老,并使用旧技术加上一些创新,使查尔斯的奢侈愿望得以实现。古色古香的外观可能是由于参考了一些古老的太阳神雕像,这可能是在邻近的寺庙里找到的。躯干的顶部可能是头部,分开铸造,尽管把它放在这么高的地方很麻烦,让人怀疑。
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