Job Evaluation

B. Livy
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引用次数: 12

Abstract

occupational wage differences, and discrimination. The book is rounded out with chapters on unemployment and inflation. Application and policy vignettes interspersed throughout the chapters add interest and, more important, illustrate how economic models are used. For example, Kaufman's discussion of the relationship of auto wage concessions to product market competition is particularly relevant for students in my part of the country. I am in broad agreement with the view of the forces shaping the labor market presented in this book, and my explanations of particular labor market outcomes would not differ much from the author's. Nonetheless, the book is not perfect. First, there are dangers inherent in referring to one's own treatment as "balanced." "Balance," like beauty, is apt to be largely in the eyes of the beholder. Some will criticize Kaufman's expansive and inclusive view of what is the "economics" of labor markets and labor relations. Few would argue about the significance of institutions for the labor market, but Kaufman's tendency to treat political, sociological, and other "non-economic" institutions as exogenous (determined outside labor markets) is questionable. J. T. Addison and W. S. Siebert, in The Market for Labor (Santa Monica: Goodyear, 1979), took a step toward integrating institutions into labor economics by providing at least partial economic explanations for some of them. More development by Kaufman along these lines would have been helpful. The book also falls short in its treatment of labor unions and collective bargaining. Authors of labor markets texts must treat the economic effects of unions, and Kaufman does so. Some parts of his discussion, such as that on the economic forces that may affect the future viability of unions as an institution, are intriguing and well worth reading. But the author attempts too much in his effort to cover unions as institutions-why people join them, how they are regulated-and then the process of collective bargaining, all in two chapters. Justice simply cannot be done to such a complex subject in such a short space, particularly in light of all the recent developments in the field. Consider, for example, the 600-page ninth edition of Lloyd Reynolds et al.'s Labor Economics and Labor Relations (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1986), nearly half of which is devoted to unions and collective bargaining. Kaufman would have done better to simply delete these chapters, because they are not an adequate introduction to the institutional aspects of unions and collective bargaining. Despite these shortcomings of his book, Kaufman has largely achieved what he set out to do. I would recommend consideration of this book by anyone teaching an upper-level labor economics course.
工作评估
职业工资差异和歧视。这本书以论述失业和通货膨胀的章节充实。章节中穿插的应用和政策小插曲增加了兴趣,更重要的是,说明了如何使用经济模型。例如,考夫曼关于汽车工资优惠与产品市场竞争关系的讨论,对我所在地区的学生特别有意义。我广泛同意本书中提出的塑造劳动力市场的力量的观点,我对特定劳动力市场结果的解释与作者的没有太大不同。然而,这本书并不完美。首先,将自己的待遇称为“平衡”存在固有的危险。“平衡”,就像美一样,往往在很大程度上取决于观察者的眼睛。有些人会批评考夫曼对劳动力市场和劳资关系的“经济学”的广泛和包容的观点。很少有人会争论制度对劳动力市场的重要性,但考夫曼倾向于将政治、社会学和其他“非经济”制度视为外生的(在劳动力市场之外决定的),这是值得怀疑的。J. T. Addison和W. S. Siebert在《劳动力市场》(圣莫尼卡:固特异,1979)一书中,通过为其中一些制度提供至少部分的经济学解释,向将制度纳入劳动经济学迈出了一步。Kaufman在这些方面的更多发展将会有所帮助。这本书在处理工会和集体谈判方面也有所欠缺。劳动力市场教科书的作者必须处理工会的经济影响,考夫曼就是这样做的。他讨论的某些部分,比如可能影响工会作为一个机构未来生存能力的经济力量,很有趣,很值得一读。但是作者在将工会作为一种制度——人们为什么加入工会,工会是如何被监管的——以及集体谈判的过程上做了太多的努力,这些都用了两章。在如此短的时间内,特别是考虑到该领域最近的所有事态发展,对这样一个复杂的问题根本不可能做到公正。例如,劳埃德·雷诺兹等人的《劳动经济学和劳动关系》(Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1986)长达600页的第九版,其中近一半是关于工会和集体谈判的。考夫曼最好直接删除这些章节,因为它们并不能充分介绍工会和集体谈判的制度方面。尽管他的书有这些缺点,但考夫曼在很大程度上实现了他的目标。我建议任何教授高级劳动经济学课程的人都考虑一下这本书。
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