Vision and Video. Marian Apparition, Spirituality and Popular Religion

H. Knoblauch, Sabine Petschke
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As a hundred years before, the incident not only attracted masses, there was also some turmoil accompanying the apparitions: television stations turned up and reported critical- ly on the event, the Church prohibited any proclamation by the seers, the seers were threatened and, finally, the village administration and the chapel association got into a conflict. The authors pointed out that when talking about the apparition, we must be aware of the fact that this notion refers not only to a subjective experience by the seers. In order to become an apparition, it needs to be communicated. The communication of the apparition does not only draw on the verbalisation by which the apparition is being reported, i.e. reconstructed. In addition, the apparition is also being performed by the body of the seers who form part of the setting which includes the visitors in relation to the seers and the spatial constellations of other objects. Thus, the authors interpret apparition as a communicative performance of religious action. However, the verbalisation of the cited vision is not, as in other cases, reconstructed after the vision. On the contrary, the seer (Marion) talks into a dictograph which is held by another visionary – Judith – while having the vision. In this way, the apparition is turned into a live report. It may be no accident that this kind of live report is not directly addressed to the live audience. Rather, it is recorded so to be accessible to a larger media audience via audio tapes, transcripts of the visions and a number of books based on these reports. According to Auslander (1999: 39ff.), it is the ‘techno- logical and aesthetic contamination of live performance’. The authors noted that the media are not only added to the event but are imparted in the event to such a degree that they transform it into something different. 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引用次数: 1

Abstract

The chapter demonstrates that spirituality and popular religiosity are built into the Marian apparitions, thus turning them into a contemporary ‘modern’ phenomenon. The study refers to a series of apparitions which happened during 1999 in Marpingen, a German village close to the Western border with France. This village was the setting for a series of Marian apparitions back in the 19th century. These earlier apparitions have recently been subjected to a very thorough study by British historian David Blackbourn (1993). Whereas Blackbourn based his analysis on written documents mostly stored in archives, the authors had not only access to written documents, newspapers and books, but also the exceptional chance to collect video-tape records from the event, and they could also rely on audio-taped statements by the seers. These data, supported by ethnographic field data, are subject to a fine-grained video-analysis provided in the chapter. In Marpingen, it was Marion who began to have visions on May 17 and 20 near the chapel (built by the above-mentioned association) where the earlier apparitions had happened. Thereafter, the three women together had various apparitions near the chapel, mostly in the company of an increasing number of pilgrims. The sixth apparitions on June 13, 1999, was already witnessed by about 4,000 visitors, and on the ninth day of the apparitions, on July 18, 12,000 visitors turned up. The final apparitions were said to be at- tended by 30,000. As a hundred years before, the incident not only attracted masses, there was also some turmoil accompanying the apparitions: television stations turned up and reported critical- ly on the event, the Church prohibited any proclamation by the seers, the seers were threatened and, finally, the village administration and the chapel association got into a conflict. The authors pointed out that when talking about the apparition, we must be aware of the fact that this notion refers not only to a subjective experience by the seers. In order to become an apparition, it needs to be communicated. The communication of the apparition does not only draw on the verbalisation by which the apparition is being reported, i.e. reconstructed. In addition, the apparition is also being performed by the body of the seers who form part of the setting which includes the visitors in relation to the seers and the spatial constellations of other objects. Thus, the authors interpret apparition as a communicative performance of religious action. However, the verbalisation of the cited vision is not, as in other cases, reconstructed after the vision. On the contrary, the seer (Marion) talks into a dictograph which is held by another visionary – Judith – while having the vision. In this way, the apparition is turned into a live report. It may be no accident that this kind of live report is not directly addressed to the live audience. Rather, it is recorded so to be accessible to a larger media audience via audio tapes, transcripts of the visions and a number of books based on these reports. According to Auslander (1999: 39ff.), it is the ‘techno- logical and aesthetic contamination of live performance’. The authors noted that the media are not only added to the event but are imparted in the event to such a degree that they transform it into something different. Thus, the use of the dictograph results in a format of the ‘live report’ on the inner visions. The microphone allows coordinating the actions of the seers with those of the crowd – a phenomenon that was virtually impossible at earlier apparitions. According to the authors, the Marian movement is not only a static remnant of earlier periods but also a form of modern expression against rationality and secularism. The Marian apparition in question, according to the authors, is an example for the modernity of this form of religion by exhibiting the essential features of popular religion. It is not that religion has changed its contents: it is still the realm of the transcendent as the subject matter of religion. However, this subject matter is not an element of cognitive or moral belief; it is something to be experienced subjectively, the reasserting subject being the major instance and locus of religiosity. This way, the analysis of Marian apparitions is a case for the thesis of the modernity of religion and a case that demonstrates what is modern about religion.
视觉和视频。圣母显灵,灵性和大众宗教
这一章表明,灵性和大众的宗教信仰是建立在圣母显灵,从而把他们变成一个当代的“现代”现象。这项研究涉及1999年发生在马平根的一系列幽灵,马平根是一个靠近法国西部边境的德国村庄。这个村庄是19世纪一系列圣母显灵的场景。最近,英国历史学家大卫·布莱克本(1993)对这些早期的幽灵进行了非常深入的研究。布莱克本的分析主要是基于保存在档案中的书面文件,而作者们不仅可以接触到书面文件、报纸和书籍,而且还有幸收集到事件的录像带记录,他们还可以依靠先知们的录音陈述。这些数据,由人种学现场数据支持,服从于本章提供的细粒度视频分析。在马平根,马里恩在5月17日和20日开始在教堂(由上述协会建造)附近有异象,那里曾发生过早期的异象。此后,这三个女人一起在小教堂附近多次显灵,大多数是在越来越多的朝圣者的陪伴下。1999年6月13日的第六次显现,已经有大约4000名游客见证了,在显现的第九天,7月18日,12000名游客出现了。据说最后的显灵有3万人参加。就像一百年前一样,这一事件不仅吸引了群众,而且伴随着幽灵而来的是一些骚乱:电视台出现并对这一事件进行了批评报道,教会禁止先知发表任何声明,先知受到威胁,最后,村庄管理部门和教堂协会陷入了冲突。作者指出,当谈到幽灵时,我们必须意识到这个概念不仅指的是观者的主观体验。为了成为一个幽灵,它需要被传达。幻影的传播不仅依赖于幻影被报道时的语言表达,也就是重建。此外,幻影也由预言家的身体来表演,预言家的身体构成了背景的一部分,其中包括与预言家和其他物体的空间星座有关的访客。因此,作者将幽灵解释为宗教行为的交际表现。然而,被引用的视觉的语言表达,不像在其他情况下,在视觉之后重建。相反,先知(马里恩)对着另一个有远见的人朱迪思(Judith)手中的口述书说话。这样,幽灵就变成了现场报道。这种现场报道不是直接面向现场观众的,这可能不是偶然的。更确切地说,它被记录下来是为了让更多的媒体观众可以通过录音带、异象的抄本和以这些报告为基础的一些书籍获得。根据Auslander (1999: 39ff.)的说法,这是“现场表演的技术和美学污染”。作者指出,媒体不仅加入到事件中,而且在事件中发挥了如此大的作用,以至于它们把事件变成了不同的东西。因此,字典的使用产生了一种关于内在愿景的“现场报告”的格式。麦克风可以让预言者与人群协调行动——这种现象在早期的幽灵中几乎是不可能的。作者认为,玛丽安运动不仅是早期的静态残余,而且是一种反对理性和世俗主义的现代表达形式。根据作者的说法,玛丽安的幽灵是这种宗教形式的现代性的一个例子,它展示了大众宗教的基本特征。这并不是说宗教改变了它的内容:它仍然是作为宗教主题的超验领域。然而,这个主题不是认知或道德信仰的要素;它是主观体验的东西,重申的主体是宗教虔诚的主要实例和轨迹。通过这种方式,对圣母显灵的分析是宗教现代性论题的一个案例,也是一个展示宗教现代性的案例。
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