Revisiting the Role of Social Dimensions in Metaphorical Conceptualization: Implications for Comparative Literature and Translation

Yaser Hadidi, A. Jahangiri, Samin Taghipour
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To this end, twenty individuals were selected, with the only variable existing amongst them being their financial status. Each person was asked to write three paragraphs on three separate topics, adding up to sixty paragraphs, in an attempt to try and determine differences in metaphorical conceptualization. The results reveal interesting insights largely supporting the thinking in the theory on individual and cross-cultural variation in Conceptual Metaphors rooted in social agents’ financial statuses. Other research like the current one would contribute to our Cognitive Linguistics understanding of the social dimensions of Conceptual Metaphor variation and universality. BACKGROUND AND PURPOSE According to established Cognitive Linguistics literature, metaphors are engrained into linguistic meaning-making language and are an inseparable part of most acts of linguistic communication. Even laymen with no theoretical knowledge of metaphors can still utilize and identify Conceptual Metaphors (henceforth CMs) with ease and accuracy. A large number of CMs revolving around human bodily functions and neurological aspects are universal across many languages (Kövecses, 2005). The neurological parts of the brain corresponding to the concept “up”, also correspond to the concept “more”, making grounds for the UP IS MORE metaphor (Lakoff, 2008). Likewise, the ANGER IS HEAT metaphor exists in many languages due to its being rooted in human physiology, FEAR IS LOSS OF COULOUR being of a similar nature. Other examples evidencing the universality of metaphors are more common in daily life; however, variation in metaphorical conceptualization should also be taken into account, whether it be within-culture or cross-cultural. Metaphor variation can come in many shapes and forms. Kövecses (2005) sheds light on this by arguing how a sole focus on ethnic dimensions may point to diverse ethnic classes building their metaphorical conceptualizations of a certain target domain on different source domains that are, nonetheless, congruent. One illustration of this, he contends, is Published by Australian International Academic Centre PTY.LTD. Copyright (c) the author(s). This is an open access article under CC BY license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijclts.v.9n.1p.18 the Black American English usage of ‘nitty-gritty’ (meaning ‘important’) versus the standard white use of ‘bottom-line’ for IMPORTANCE as target domain. In both, we have the metaphor IMPORTANT IS CENTRAL at work; however, these vary in clear ways from the specific-level source domains. The ethnic factor may likewise assume a significant part in making “talking styles” that are exceptionally metaphorical. 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A strange element of Dutch nature metaphors is that they never rely on animals. Contrary to this moderately International Journal of Comparative Literature & Translation Studies","PeriodicalId":245593,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Literature and Translation Studies","volume":"508 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2021-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"International Journal of Comparative Literature and Translation Studies","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.7575/AIAC.IJCLTS.V.9N.1P.18","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

Cross-cultural and within-culture variation in conceptual metaphors is a much-debated subject in Cognitive Linguistics research. The theory points out that such variation occurs on a series of dimensions, like social, ethnic, regional, stylistic and subcultural dimensions. The social dimensions consist of the separation of society into people, youthful and old, and working class and average workers. The purpose of this study was to undertake a deeper look at the distinctions caused in metaphorical conceptualization due to the attitude each individual or group of individuals possesses, especially with regard to the economic status of each group. To this end, twenty individuals were selected, with the only variable existing amongst them being their financial status. Each person was asked to write three paragraphs on three separate topics, adding up to sixty paragraphs, in an attempt to try and determine differences in metaphorical conceptualization. The results reveal interesting insights largely supporting the thinking in the theory on individual and cross-cultural variation in Conceptual Metaphors rooted in social agents’ financial statuses. Other research like the current one would contribute to our Cognitive Linguistics understanding of the social dimensions of Conceptual Metaphor variation and universality. BACKGROUND AND PURPOSE According to established Cognitive Linguistics literature, metaphors are engrained into linguistic meaning-making language and are an inseparable part of most acts of linguistic communication. Even laymen with no theoretical knowledge of metaphors can still utilize and identify Conceptual Metaphors (henceforth CMs) with ease and accuracy. A large number of CMs revolving around human bodily functions and neurological aspects are universal across many languages (Kövecses, 2005). The neurological parts of the brain corresponding to the concept “up”, also correspond to the concept “more”, making grounds for the UP IS MORE metaphor (Lakoff, 2008). Likewise, the ANGER IS HEAT metaphor exists in many languages due to its being rooted in human physiology, FEAR IS LOSS OF COULOUR being of a similar nature. Other examples evidencing the universality of metaphors are more common in daily life; however, variation in metaphorical conceptualization should also be taken into account, whether it be within-culture or cross-cultural. Metaphor variation can come in many shapes and forms. Kövecses (2005) sheds light on this by arguing how a sole focus on ethnic dimensions may point to diverse ethnic classes building their metaphorical conceptualizations of a certain target domain on different source domains that are, nonetheless, congruent. One illustration of this, he contends, is Published by Australian International Academic Centre PTY.LTD. Copyright (c) the author(s). This is an open access article under CC BY license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijclts.v.9n.1p.18 the Black American English usage of ‘nitty-gritty’ (meaning ‘important’) versus the standard white use of ‘bottom-line’ for IMPORTANCE as target domain. In both, we have the metaphor IMPORTANT IS CENTRAL at work; however, these vary in clear ways from the specific-level source domains. The ethnic factor may likewise assume a significant part in making “talking styles” that are exceptionally metaphorical. One such talking style is “playing the handfuls” in Black English Vernacular (Kochman, 1981). Essentially, embracing a regional point of view, we can note dialects like Dutch and those like Afrikaans that are derived from it, spoken in certain regions of South Africa. Dirven (1994) investigates this circumstance, analysing newspapers circulated in Afrikaans and exploring the regular metaphors in them in an attempt to see what degree of overlap there is between these metaphors and those manifested in equivalent Dutch texts. His investigation is a systematic comparison of normally and conventionally used Dutch and new Afrikaans metaphors. In the depiction of “nature” metaphors, he calls attention to the common metaphors incorporating pictures of water, light, shadow, lightning, tremor, sand, stars, wind, and mists and to the fact that this represent the normal naturally received and cognitive setting of the Low Countries (Dirven, 1994) or other northern European countries. A strange element of Dutch nature metaphors is that they never rely on animals. Contrary to this moderately International Journal of Comparative Literature & Translation Studies
社会维度在隐喻概念化中的作用:对比较文学和翻译的启示
概念隐喻的跨文化和文化差异是认知语言学研究中一个备受争议的问题。该理论指出,这种变异发生在社会、民族、地域、风格和亚文化等一系列维度上。社会维度包括社会分为人、年轻人和老年人、工人阶级和普通工人。本研究的目的是更深入地研究由于每个人或个人群体所拥有的态度,特别是关于每个群体的经济地位而导致的隐喻概念化差异。为此目的,选出了20个人,其中唯一的变数是他们的财务状况。每个人被要求就三个不同的主题写三段,加起来总共60段,试图确定隐喻概念化的差异。研究结果揭示了一些有趣的见解,这些见解在很大程度上支持了基于社会代理人经济状况的概念隐喻的个体和跨文化差异理论。其他类似的研究将有助于认知语言学对概念隐喻变异和普遍性的社会维度的理解。背景与目的认知语言学文献认为,隐喻根植于语言意义语言中,是大多数语言交际行为中不可分割的一部分。即使是没有隐喻理论知识的外行也能轻松准确地使用和识别概念隐喻。大量围绕人体功能和神经方面的CMs在许多语言中都是通用的(Kövecses, 2005)。大脑中与“上”概念相对应的神经系统部分也与“更多”概念相对应,这为“上”即“更多”的隐喻奠定了基础(Lakoff, 2008)。同样,愤怒是热的比喻存在于许多语言中,因为它植根于人类生理学,恐惧是失去颜色的类似性质。其他证明隐喻普遍性的例子在日常生活中更为常见;然而,隐喻概念化的差异也应该考虑在内,无论是在文化内还是跨文化。隐喻的变化可以有多种形式。Kövecses(2005)通过论证对种族维度的单一关注如何指出不同的种族阶级如何在不同的源域上建立他们对特定目标域的隐喻概念化,从而阐明了这一点,尽管如此,这些源域是一致的。他认为,澳大利亚国际学术中心(Australian International Academic Centre PTY.LTD)发表的一篇文章说明了这一点。版权(c)作者。这是一篇在CC BY许可下的开放获取文章(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijclts.v.9n.1p.18美国黑人英语中“nitty-gritty”(意思是“重要的”)的用法与标准白人使用“bottom-line”(重要性)作为目标域。在这两种情况下,我们都有“重要是中心”的比喻;然而,这些在特定级别的源域之间明显不同。同样,种族因素也可能在“说话风格”的形成过程中扮演着重要角色,而这些“说话风格”是非常隐喻性的。其中一种谈话风格就是黑人英语方言中的“玩弄一把”(Kochman, 1981)。从本质上讲,从地域的角度来看,我们可以注意到在南非某些地区使用的荷兰语和从荷兰语衍生出来的南非荷兰语等方言。Dirven(1994)调查了这种情况,分析了南非荷兰语的报纸,并探索了其中的常规隐喻,试图看看这些隐喻与同等荷兰语文本中表现出来的隐喻之间有多大程度的重叠。他的研究是对荷兰语和新南非荷兰语中常用的隐喻进行系统的比较。在对“自然”隐喻的描述中,他提醒人们注意那些包含水、光、影、闪电、震颤、沙子、星星、风和雾的常见隐喻,并注意到这一事实,即这代表了低地国家或其他北欧国家正常的自然接受和认知环境(Dirven, 1994)。荷兰人的自然隐喻中有一个奇怪的元素,那就是他们从不依赖动物。与这个温和的国际比较文学与翻译研究杂志相反
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