{"title":"Pogroms: A Documentary History","authors":"Hillel J. Kieval","doi":"10.1080/03612759.2023.2214007","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Ferry was forced to defend his overseas activities, and with it provided one of the most trenchant rationales for republican empire to date, citing the spread of civilization and racial superiority as justifications for overseas expansion. As Ferry and his allies explained, this civilizing mission was the basis for France’s politique coloniale, a policy aimed at promoting human progress that theoretically differed markedly from the colonial conquest of the past. It wasn’t simply that republicans were obfuscating the racist logic and militarist implications of their own politique coloniale that makes these debates significant. Nor that the Tonkin Affair compelled republican ideologues to clarify their position on empire. For Carroll, the significance of these disputes is in the arguments that framed the controversy, with opponents levying accusations of Bonapartism against republicans committed to proving the contrary. “The specter of Napoleon III... ,” as Carroll writes, “continued to loom over conversations about republican colonialism across France” (161). Yet if the Tonkin Affair marked the culmination of efforts to define a republican brand of empire, it was also the last salvo in these battles. As the 1890s dawned, contentions over the Bonapartist past began to fade from public memory, and with it competing views of colonial conquest. Colonial expansion was criticized on matters of strategy and military competence in the press or before the assembly, but allusions to Bonapartism were notably muted. According to Carroll, by the 1890s, political elites had reached a consensus regarding the meaning and import of empire. In distancing themselves from Bonapartism, republicans had successful shaped their own model of colonial empire. Advocacy groups and lobbies supported the politique coloniale and politicians frequently nationalized the overseas imperial project, presenting it as a collective effort of national rejuvenation that eschewed political factionalism. Most importantly, empire abroad no longer translate into empire at home, and the term “colonial empire” touted by republicans embodied this mental shift. “Empire” had been freed from its Bonapartist trappings, making republican colonial empire imaginable and even desirable. Carroll has offered a compelling argument that draws attention to the ways in which political culture and discourse combined with historical memory to influence the evolution of republican empire in France. Yet even as she is sensitive to the dialogic nature of this evolution and treats competing visions and memories in detail, there is one voice that seems absent, and this becomes apparent in the concluding remarks of the book. Carroll repeatedly insists that native colonial subjects never had opportunities to participate in these debates and that the conversation was dominated by metropolitans and settlers. This is no doubt true to an extent. Yet the conclusion offers a possible alternative to this claim with the relatively brief mention of Ben Ali F ekar and the Young Algerians. Groups like the Young Tunisians and later Young Algerians did contribute to debates on empire, and by the eve of the First World War would find metropolitan allies that would amend if not propose alternative visions of the nation’s imperial polity. Writers like the pseudonymous Esp e de Metz who sided with the indig enophile camp highlighted notions of imperial citizenship and federation that deviated from the republican model focused on my Carroll. (For example, see the articles in Ezp e de Metz, G. 1913.) Whether or not these ideas were taken seriously is another matter. They are enough to consider the fact that activists like the Young Tunisians and Young Algerians were not necessarily passive and had the ear of certain metropolitans, even if many of their ideas were ignored or disregarded by the colonial state. This omission in no way detracts from Carroll’s attractive thesis. If anything, it demonstrates the multi-valent character of empire that Carroll has posited and suggests other possible contexts in which debates over empire could be imagined.","PeriodicalId":220055,"journal":{"name":"History: Reviews of New Books","volume":"1606 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"History: Reviews of New Books","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2023.2214007","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Abstract
Ferry was forced to defend his overseas activities, and with it provided one of the most trenchant rationales for republican empire to date, citing the spread of civilization and racial superiority as justifications for overseas expansion. As Ferry and his allies explained, this civilizing mission was the basis for France’s politique coloniale, a policy aimed at promoting human progress that theoretically differed markedly from the colonial conquest of the past. It wasn’t simply that republicans were obfuscating the racist logic and militarist implications of their own politique coloniale that makes these debates significant. Nor that the Tonkin Affair compelled republican ideologues to clarify their position on empire. For Carroll, the significance of these disputes is in the arguments that framed the controversy, with opponents levying accusations of Bonapartism against republicans committed to proving the contrary. “The specter of Napoleon III... ,” as Carroll writes, “continued to loom over conversations about republican colonialism across France” (161). Yet if the Tonkin Affair marked the culmination of efforts to define a republican brand of empire, it was also the last salvo in these battles. As the 1890s dawned, contentions over the Bonapartist past began to fade from public memory, and with it competing views of colonial conquest. Colonial expansion was criticized on matters of strategy and military competence in the press or before the assembly, but allusions to Bonapartism were notably muted. According to Carroll, by the 1890s, political elites had reached a consensus regarding the meaning and import of empire. In distancing themselves from Bonapartism, republicans had successful shaped their own model of colonial empire. Advocacy groups and lobbies supported the politique coloniale and politicians frequently nationalized the overseas imperial project, presenting it as a collective effort of national rejuvenation that eschewed political factionalism. Most importantly, empire abroad no longer translate into empire at home, and the term “colonial empire” touted by republicans embodied this mental shift. “Empire” had been freed from its Bonapartist trappings, making republican colonial empire imaginable and even desirable. Carroll has offered a compelling argument that draws attention to the ways in which political culture and discourse combined with historical memory to influence the evolution of republican empire in France. Yet even as she is sensitive to the dialogic nature of this evolution and treats competing visions and memories in detail, there is one voice that seems absent, and this becomes apparent in the concluding remarks of the book. Carroll repeatedly insists that native colonial subjects never had opportunities to participate in these debates and that the conversation was dominated by metropolitans and settlers. This is no doubt true to an extent. Yet the conclusion offers a possible alternative to this claim with the relatively brief mention of Ben Ali F ekar and the Young Algerians. Groups like the Young Tunisians and later Young Algerians did contribute to debates on empire, and by the eve of the First World War would find metropolitan allies that would amend if not propose alternative visions of the nation’s imperial polity. Writers like the pseudonymous Esp e de Metz who sided with the indig enophile camp highlighted notions of imperial citizenship and federation that deviated from the republican model focused on my Carroll. (For example, see the articles in Ezp e de Metz, G. 1913.) Whether or not these ideas were taken seriously is another matter. They are enough to consider the fact that activists like the Young Tunisians and Young Algerians were not necessarily passive and had the ear of certain metropolitans, even if many of their ideas were ignored or disregarded by the colonial state. This omission in no way detracts from Carroll’s attractive thesis. If anything, it demonstrates the multi-valent character of empire that Carroll has posited and suggests other possible contexts in which debates over empire could be imagined.
费里被迫为自己的海外活动辩护,并由此为共和帝国的建立提供了迄今为止最有力的理由之一,他以文明的传播和种族优越感为海外扩张辩护。正如费里和他的盟友所解释的那样,这一文明使命是法国“殖民政治”(politique coloniale)的基础,这一政策旨在促进人类进步,在理论上与过去的殖民征服明显不同。共和党人混淆了他们自己的殖民政治的种族主义逻辑和军国主义含义,这不仅仅是使这些辩论变得重要的原因。东京事件也没有迫使共和派理论家澄清他们在帝国问题上的立场。对卡罗尔来说,这些争论的意义在于争论的框架,反对者对共和党人提出波拿巴主义的指控,并致力于证明相反的观点。“拿破仑三世的幽灵……正如卡罗尔所写的那样,“在关于法国共和殖民主义的讨论中,它仍然若隐若现”(161页)。然而,如果说东京事变标志着界定共和帝国的努力达到了顶峰,那么它也是这些战斗的最后一次齐射。随着19世纪90年代的到来,关于波拿巴主义过去的争论开始从公众的记忆中消失,随之而来的是对殖民征服的不同看法。殖民扩张在战略和军事能力问题上受到了媒体或议会的批评,但对波拿巴主义的影射却明显被淡化了。根据卡罗尔的说法,到19世纪90年代,政治精英们就帝国的意义和重要性达成了共识。在远离波拿巴主义的过程中,共和党人成功地塑造了自己的殖民帝国模式。倡导团体和游说团体支持殖民政治,政治家们经常将海外帝国项目国有化,将其呈现为民族复兴的集体努力,避免了政治派系主义。最重要的是,国外的帝国不再转化为国内的帝国,共和党人吹捧的“殖民帝国”一词体现了这种心理转变。“帝国”已经摆脱了波拿巴主义的束缚,使共和殖民帝国成为可以想象的,甚至是可取的。卡罗尔提出了一个令人信服的论点,将人们的注意力吸引到政治文化和话语与历史记忆相结合的方式,以影响法国共和帝国的演变。然而,尽管她对这种演变的对话本质很敏感,并详细地对待了相互竞争的愿景和记忆,但有一种声音似乎缺席了,这在书的结语中变得很明显。卡罗尔反复强调,当地的殖民地居民从来没有机会参与这些辩论,而且对话是由大都市和定居者主导的。这在一定程度上无疑是正确的。然而,结论提供了一种可能的替代说法,即相对简短地提到本·阿里·弗卡尔和青年阿尔及利亚人。像青年突尼斯人和后来的青年阿尔及利亚人这样的团体确实为关于帝国的辩论做出了贡献,到第一次世界大战前夕,他们会找到大城市的盟友,即使不提出国家帝国政体的替代愿景,也会对其进行修正。像以笔名命名的Esp ede Metz这样站在亲印度阵营的作家强调了帝国公民权和联邦的概念,这些概念偏离了共和模式,主要集中在我的卡罗尔身上。(例如,参见Ezp e de Metz, G. 1913的文章。)这些想法是否被认真对待是另一回事。他们足以考虑到这样一个事实,即像年轻的突尼斯人和年轻的阿尔及利亚人这样的活动家并不一定是被动的,即使他们的许多想法被殖民国家忽视或无视,他们也会被某些大都市所倾听。这一遗漏丝毫无损于卡罗尔引人入胜的论点。如果说有什么区别的话,那就是它展示了卡罗尔所假设的帝国的多重特征,并提出了其他可能的背景,在这些背景下,关于帝国的辩论可以被想象出来。