The Social Cost of Carbon, Greenhouse Gas Policies, and Politicized Benefit/Cost Analysis

B. Zycher
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Benefit/cost analysis can be a powerful tool for examination of proposed (or alternative) public policies, but, unsurprisingly, decisionmakers’ policy preferences can drive the analysis, rather than the reverse. That is the reality with respect to the Obama Administration computation of the social cost of carbon, a crucial parameter underlying the quantitative analysis of its proposed climate policies, now being reversed in substantial part by the Trump Administration. The Obama analysis of the social cost of carbon suffered from four central problems: the use of global benefits in the benefit/cost calculation, the failure to apply a 7% discount rate as required by Office of Management and Budget guidelines, the conflation of climate and GDP effects of climate policies, and the inclusion of non-climate effects of climate policies as co-benefits, as a tool with which to overcome the trivial temperature and other climate impacts of those policies. Moreover, the Obama analysis included in its “market failure” analysis the fuel price parameter that market forces are likely to incorporate fully. This Article suggests that policymakers and other interested parties would be wise to concentrate on the analytic minutia underlying policy proposals because policy analysis cannot be separated from politics.
碳、温室气体政策的社会成本,以及政治化的收益/成本分析
效益/成本分析可以成为审查拟议(或可选)公共政策的有力工具,但是,不出所料,决策者的政策偏好可以驱动分析,而不是相反。这就是奥巴马政府计算碳社会成本的现实,碳社会成本是对其提出的气候政策进行定量分析的关键参数,现在特朗普政府在很大程度上推翻了这一计算。奥巴马对碳社会成本的分析存在四个核心问题:在效益/成本计算中使用全球效益,未能按照美国管理和预算办公室(Office of Management and Budget)的指导方针要求采用7%的贴现率,将气候政策对气候和GDP的影响混为一谈,以及将气候政策的非气候影响纳入共同效益,作为克服这些政策微不足道的温度和其他气候影响的工具。此外,奥巴马的分析在其“市场失灵”分析中包括了燃料价格参数,市场力量很可能将其充分纳入其中。本文建议政策制定者和其他利益相关方将明智地集中于分析政策建议背后的细节,因为政策分析不能与政治分开。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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