A Study on Swiss Consociational Democracy: Focusing on the Resident Participation System

Gun Yee Bae
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Abstract

Consociational democracy was systemized by A. Lijphart in the early 20th century as a democratic model suggested as an alternative to limits of majority democracy that a winner takes all. A. Lijphart points out forming the largest government, recognition of mutual veto power, member proportional of the parliament and cabinet, and recognition of a minority of autonomous rights as prerequisites for consociational democracy. According to these elements, Switzerland is applicable to a consociational democratic state of the typical Bottom-up structure that completed present federalism based on decentralism which recognized equal rights regardless of the alliance size starting from the Old Swiss Confederacy in the 13th century. Especially, initiative and referendum done at the level of the 26 states and more than 2,000 Gemeindes can be the key resident participation system which checks the nation and local governments and enables sharing power through equal participation as the new opportunities that minority opinions are not excluded but included. Especially, because the initiative and referendum systems are linked together and play a role of controlling power and have the structure that they can be done regarding taxation, increases in budget, etc which have an important effect on local finance, they more accord with the idea of local self-government that the residents themselves are the main agents of the regions. And because they have the structure that oppositions to local councils' decisions can be done by initiative and referendum, they make the residents play an enough role as the final surveillant of local decisions. Because communications between residents and regions, among residents, and regions and the central government continue to be done in the initiative process, referendum, and general assembly of the residents and the preparation process in the resident participation system of the swiss style like this, the resident participation system in the Swiss consociational democracy is the most important element of discussion premised on conversations and communications. In comparison with this, because the Korean resident participation system has the structure that initiative and referendum are not mutually linked but separately operated, it's the structure synergy effects of participation cannot be created. And because important details from a position of the residents are mostly excluded from resident participation, it is the structure that it is hard for the residents to actively participate in them. In addition, in the structure that local councils examine and vote for ordinances proposed by the residents, the need for changing their roles to more active for resident participation is raised because they are not different from the existing committees' examination. If legal consideration like this is done, the resident participation system which has more expanded since 2021 can play a role of driving the development of Korean local self-government and democracy.
瑞士社会民主研究:以居民参与制度为中心
联合民主主义是20世纪初由利法特(a . Lijphart)系统化的民主主义模式,作为一种替代多数民主主义的限制,即赢家通吃。a . Lijphart指出,组建最大的政府、承认相互否决权、议会和内阁成员比例、承认少数自治权是联合民主主义的先决条件。根据这些要素,瑞士适用于一个典型的自下而上结构的联邦制民主国家,它完成了从13世纪的旧瑞士邦联开始的以分权主义为基础的现行联邦主义,承认无论联盟规模大小权利平等。特别是,在26个州和2000多名居民的层面上进行的创议和公民投票,可以成为制约国家和地方政府、通过平等参与实现权力分享的关键居民参与制度,是少数意见不被排斥而是被包容的新机会。特别是,由于创制制和全民公决制相互联系,在对地方财政有重要影响的税收、预算增加等方面发挥着控制权力的作用,具有可以做到的结构,更符合居民自己是地区主体的地方自治思想。因为他们的结构是,反对地方议会的决定可以通过倡议和公民投票来完成,他们使居民发挥足够的作用,作为地方决策的最终监督者。由于居民与地区之间、居民与地区之间、地区与中央政府之间的沟通在瑞士式居民参与制的创议过程、公民投票、居民大会和准备过程中持续进行,因此瑞士联合民主中的居民参与制是以对话和沟通为前提的讨论的最重要的要素。相比之下,由于韩国的居民参与制度具有主动性和公民投票不相互联系而是分开运作的结构,因此无法产生参与的结构协同效应。而且由于居民立场的重要细节大多被排除在居民参与之外,因此居民很难积极参与其中。此外,在地方议会对居民提出的条例进行审查和投票的结构中,由于地方议会与现有委员会的审查没有什么不同,因此有人提出了将其角色转变为更积极地参与居民参与的必要性。如果能从法律上考虑到这一点,从2021年开始扩大的居民参与制度就能起到推动韩国地方自治和民主主义发展的作用。
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