National urban policies in Europe - an introduction

V. Fedeli, K. Zimmermann
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Abstract

Urban problems are back on the political agenda and several policy documents, such as the New Urban Agenda (UN-Habitat 2016; Caprotti et al. 2017) as well as the Pact of Amsterdam (EU Urban Agenda), call for national urban policies as one of the key measures to implement the goals defined in these documents (UN-Habitat 2015). It is not difficult in this respect to figure out why UN-Habitat and other international actors have invested efforts in trying to define national urban policies as a response to the worldwide dynamic of urbanization (UN-Habitat 2015 and 2014; OECD 2017; Turok and Parnell 2009). In fact, without significant help in terms of financing, but also without appropriate policy knowledge and legal instruments, supported by national governments, cities will hardly be able to implement the goals of the internationally signed urban agenda adopted at the Habitat III conference held in Quito in 2016 or take over the role of ‘vectors of change’ (Parnell 2016). The rise of international urban agendas comes along with a notable number of publications on the resurgence of cities and city-regions and the rise of ‘The City as a global political actor’ (Oosterlynck et al. 2019). Various assumptions are made in this debate about the relationship between cities and nation states. These assumptions range from a newly gained autonomy of cities vis-à-vis weakened national governments1 to the selective support of a limited number of cities as national champions (Crouch and Le Galès 2012). In this edited volume we start from the postulate that all this is less clear and evident than many people perceive and claim. Does the growing relevance of international Urban Agendas translate easily into national urban policies? And if yes, in what way do national governments give priority to urban policies over others? Does the European Union make a difference in this regard? For sure, the debate on urban policies differs slightly between Europe and many other places in the world, as the European Commission, unlike UN-Habitat, has regulatory and financial instruments to implement what is called the urban
欧洲国家城市政策简介
城市问题重新回到政治议程和若干政策文件,如《新城市议程》(联合国人居署2016年;Caprotti et al. 2017)以及《阿姆斯特丹公约》(欧盟城市议程)呼吁将国家城市政策作为实施这些文件中定义的目标的关键措施之一(联合国人居署2015年)。在这方面,不难理解为什么联合国人居署和其他国际行为体努力制定国家城市政策,以应对全球城市化的动态(联合国人居署2015年和2014年;经合组织2017年;Turok and Parnell, 2009)。事实上,如果没有资金方面的重大帮助,也没有适当的政策知识和法律文书,在国家政府的支持下,城市将很难实现2016年在基多举行的人居三会议上通过的国际签署的城市议程的目标,或承担起“变革载体”的作用(Parnell 2016)。国际城市议程的兴起伴随着大量关于城市和城市地区复兴以及“城市作为全球政治参与者”的崛起的出版物(Oosterlynck et al. 2019)。在这场关于城市与民族国家关系的辩论中,人们提出了各种各样的假设。这些假设的范围从相对于-à-vis被削弱的国家政府的新获得的城市自治权1到作为国家冠军的有限数量的城市的选择性支持(Crouch and Le gal, 2012)。在这本编辑过的书中,我们从这样一个假设开始,即所有这些都不像许多人所认为和声称的那样清楚和明显。国际城市议程的日益相关性是否容易转化为国家城市政策?如果答案是肯定的,那么各国政府以何种方式将城市政策置于其他政策之上?欧盟在这方面发挥作用了吗?当然,关于城市政策的辩论在欧洲和世界上许多其他地方略有不同,因为与联合国人居署不同,欧盟委员会有监管和金融工具来实施所谓的城市政策
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