Between Sect and State in Lebanon: Religious Leaders at the Interface

Alexander Henley
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

Abstract:Muslim communities in Lebanon have developed radically new institutions of religious leadership since the advent of the confessional state. These leaderships were created or refined over the course of Lebanon’s first five decades (1920s–1970s), often building on pre-existing institutional norms but shaped by common patterns of integration into a state-centric system of confessional representation. Such institutions have played a key role in representing and reinforcing the sectarianisation of Islam in the country. On the other hand, their proximity to the state has made them prominent advocates of peaceful coexistence and political participation. This paper shows (1) how three Islamic religious leaderships have become institutional expressions of a distinctive Lebanese sectarianism, and (2) how they have in the process become defenders of the nation-state. Focusing on the Sunni office of mufti, this leadership is surveyed alongside its Shi‘i and Druze counterparts to highlight their convergence on a single institutional model. These developments began in response to a French colonial demand for interlocutors with religious communities, and gained urgency as these interlocutors negotiated communal autonomy in religious affairs. The project of communal self-governance – which included jurisdiction over personal status law – called for centralized religious institutions that could manage nationwide bureaucracies. Thus a Sunni mufti, Shi‘i sheikh, and Druze sheikh al-‘aql were each elevated to leadership of new religious hierarchies. While competition among these three leaderships played a part in their development, this paper uses the history of the 1975–90 civil war to show how their common enculturation into the life of the state has generated a strong centripetal tendency in their political behavior.
黎巴嫩教派与国家之间:处于交界的宗教领袖
摘要:自忏悔国家出现以来,黎巴嫩的穆斯林社区已经发展出全新的宗教领导机构。这些领导层是在黎巴嫩建国的前五十年(20世纪20年代至70年代)中建立或完善的,通常建立在先前存在的制度规范之上,但受到以国家为中心的忏悔代表体系的共同整合模式的影响。这些机构在代表和加强该国伊斯兰教的宗派主义方面发挥了关键作用。另一方面,他们与国家的亲密关系使他们成为和平共处和政治参与的杰出倡导者。本文展示了(1)三个伊斯兰宗教领袖如何成为黎巴嫩独特宗派主义的制度性表达,以及(2)他们如何在此过程中成为民族国家的捍卫者。以穆夫提的逊尼派办公室为重点,这一领导层与什叶派和德鲁兹的同行一起被调查,以突出他们在单一制度模式上的融合。这些发展开始于对法国殖民地要求与宗教团体进行对话的回应,并随着这些对话者在宗教事务中谈判社区自治而变得紧迫。社区自治项目——包括对个人身份法的管辖权——要求建立能够管理全国性官僚机构的中央宗教机构。因此,逊尼派的穆夫提、什叶派的谢赫和德鲁兹教派的谢赫al- aql都被提升为新的宗教等级的领袖。虽然这三位领导人之间的竞争在他们的发展中发挥了作用,但本文使用1975-90年内战的历史来展示他们对国家生活的共同文化适应如何在他们的政治行为中产生了强烈的向心力倾向。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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